Despite visible signs
of improvement in certain theatres of conflict in the first three-quarters
of 2001, the internal security situation in India continues to
be critical. Even as the fall-out of the September
11 terrorist attacks on targets in the United States remains
unclear for India, indigenous and cross-border terrorist violence
in Jammu & Kashmir (J&K),
insurgency and ethnic violence in the North East, left-wing extremist
(Naxalite) movement in parts of Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand,
Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Orissa, and violence
perpetrated by the private armies in Bihar are problems that continue
to fester. The proxy war unleashed by Pakistan through its support
to various
terrorist groups, and the activities of the Inter-Services
Intelligence (ISI), Pakistan’s external intelligence agency, in
various parts of India, particularly in J&K, the Northeast
and some Southern States, continues to remain the major factor
in India's internal security scenario. Another serious dimension
that poses an enormous challenge to the internal security scenario
is the large-scale induction of lethal and sophisticated weapons,
narcotics, and fake currency from across India's borders with
Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh and Myanmar.
A negative fall-out
that India is likely to face in the near future is the international
community’s changing perception of Pakistan. Strident diplomatic
efforts by India, being conducted since the latter half of the
Nineteen Nineties, had begun to pay dividends, when Pakistan was
being globally perceived as a consistent supporter of cross-border
terrorism. However, the scale and the complexity of September
11 terrorist attacks in US necessitated President George W. Bush
to engage Pakistan as an ally in its campaign against international
terrorism. Irrespective of the mutating US and the global community’s
perception of Pakistan as also its emergence as a ‘frontline state’
in the US efforts to eradicate Osama
bin Laden and the Al Qaeda
terror network, the ISI continues its policy of aiding terrorist
outfits active in Jammu and Kashmir and other Islamist extremist
outfits in other parts of India.
India has been countering
a foreign sponsored Islamist terrorist network, active in J&K
and other parts of the country, since the last decade. As India
has consistently maintained that international cooperation is
a necessity to deal with the scourge of Islamist terror, there
was no hesitation in supporting the US-led international coalition
against terrorism, launched after the September 11 attacks. While
supporting the US-led military strikes against Osama bin Laden
and his Al Qaeda network, the prime suspect in the September 11
terrorist attacks, and their sponsor, the Taliban
regime in Afghanistan, India has also emphatically qualified that
the war against terrorism should not be restricted to Osama bin
Laden and the Taliban. A disquieting development is that in launching
the offensive against the Taliban and bin Laden, the US led global
alliance has co-opted Pakistan, a country which India identifies
as the principal sponsor of terrorists and foreign mercenaries
active in J&K.
Any effective strategy
to counter the threat posed by the Islamist terrorist network
needs to take into account Pakistan’s role in creating and nurturing
these forces and its relationship with the Taliban in Afghanistan.
The Pakistani state and the Taliban have been co-sponsors of a
terrorist network that essentially relies on madrassas
(religious seminaries) and the training camps located in Pakistan
and Afghanistan. Pakistan and Taliban have also shared the task
of training and transforming these Islamist extremists into global
terrorists. There is little evidence to construe that Pakistan
has, despite US pressure, chosen to alter the perverted course
of its history. Indeed, Pakistan’s continuing support and succour
to terrorism in J&K was propounded once again in the backdrop
of the Jaish-e-Mohammed’s
(JeM) fidayeen (suicide) attack in Srinagar on October
1, 2001, in which 38 persons were killed. The JeM Chief, Maulana
Masood Azhar, who was released in exchange for the hostages aboard
aircraft IC 814 in December 1999 in Kandahar, continues to move
unhindered in Pakistan. Moreover, even as it redraws its strategy
with the Taliban, its erstwhile protégé, the Pervez
Musharraf regime has sought to continue providing legitimacy to
foreign mercenaries initiating terrorist violence in Jammu and
Kashmir as an ‘indigenous freedom movement’. In the light of such
contradictory policy formulations, the current US reliance on
Pakistan would have far reaching critical consequences on South
Asia’s regional security environment in general and India in particular.
In the context of
the global campaign against international terrorist networks,
India has emphasised that Islamist terrorist violence being inflicted
on Western and Indian targets emanate from the same Islamist extremist
sources and are supported by common allies, Pakistan, bin Laden’s
Al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan and hence requires a multilateral
response. Furthermore, India has consistently pointed out that
any fight against international terrorism needs to effectually
discern the relationship between Pakistan and international Islamist
terrorist networks. Any attempt to ignore this issue in order
to facilitate Pakistan as a ‘frontline state’ and retain its support
in the current offensive against the Taliban, Osama bin Laden
and his Al Qaeda network, would prove to be counterproductive
in the long run.
J&K remains the
most serious internal security challenge in the country despite
significant peace measures initiated by the government in the
year 2000-2001. The unilateral government cease-fire, which came
into effect on November 28, 2000, was extended thrice and eventually
withdrawn on May 23, 2001, having been in force for approximately
six months. This failed to reduce the level of violence as statistics
for this period show. All the Pakistan based terrorist outfits
had rejected this initiative and stepped up their level of violence
in an environment where security forces were ordered by the government
to refrain from initiating any offensive operations against terrorists
in the State.
While announcing
the termination of the cease-fire, the government had also invited
Pakistan's then Chief Executive and now President, General Pervez
Musharraf, to visit India for a composite dialogue, including
the Kashmir issue. Gen. Musharraf, who assumed his country's Presidency
on June 20, 2001, arrived in New Delhi on July 14. The Agra Summit,
which was held on July 15-16 2001, failed to produce a breakthrough
in the context of J&K's terrorist violence. While Pakistan
continued to emphasise on the historical background of the Kashmir
'dispute', India responded by focussing on the issue of cross-border
terrorism supported and encouraged by Pakistan.
Earlier, the Union
government released a statement on April 5, inviting all Kashmiri
groups to participate in negotiations to find a solution to the
Kashmir problem. K C Pant, Deputy Chairperson of the Planning
Commission was appointed as the government's nominee for the proposed
talks. This initiative too failed with the main over-ground secessionist
outfit, the All Party Hurriyat Conference (APHC) refusing to join
the negotiations on the grounds that it was not exclusively invited
to the talks.
As a whole, all peace
initiatives failed to change the ground situation and there was
an escalation of terrorist violence in J&K. In the first ten
month of 2001, 3066 people have been killed in terrorist violence
which when compared to the 2774 deaths recorded in the first ten
months of 2000, indicates that violence in this year may surpass
that of 2000. These trends were only a continuation of the scenario
in the year 2000. Casualties
in terrorist violence increased to 3,288 in 2000, the highest
figure for any year since the present phase of militancy began
in 1988-89. There were 2,259 terrorism-related deaths in 1999.
Casualties of Terrorist
Violence in Jammu and Kashmir (1999-2001)
There was a clear
trend of increasing violence perpetrated by Pakistan-based terrorist
groupings, and especially by the Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT)
and the JeM, which are dominated by foreign mercenaries and mujahideen.
Intelligence sources now believe that over 55 per cent of an estimated
3,500-4,000 terrorists in the State are foreign mercenaries. This
proportion is even higher – up to an estimated 75 per cent – if
the focus shifts to active terrorists, since the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen
(HM)
cadres scaled down their operations after their July 2000 cease-fire
announcement, and the subsequent November cease-fire announced
by Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee. The number of foreign
mercenaries killed in encounters within J&K has shown a significant
increase from the 349 in 1999 to 403 in 2000.
As expected, most
Pakistan-based terrorist outfits have rejected each peace initiative,
and have escalated the levels of violence. However, a wide spectrum
of political parties welcomed the November cease-fire, and there
has been an apparent softening of the hard-line stance taken by
the secessionist All Party Hurriyat Conference (APHC)
as its leaders accepted the option of a bilateral dialogue with
the Indian Government in place of their earlier insistence on
a tripartite dialogue involving Pakistan. Notwithstanding this
shift, a visible gap continues to exist between the demands of
the Union Government and secessionists in the State. The Hurriyat
has demanded that its delegation be allowed to go to Pakistan
to meet terrorist outfit leaders based in that country before
it begins its talks with the Indian government. The Union government
is yet to respond to this demand.
Another trend in
the State was the increased firepower and greater experience and
training of the new generation of terrorists that has been inducted
into Jammu and Kashmir. The leadership of the terrorist movement
has clearly passed into the hands of Pakistan-based terrorist
groups and there is increasing evidence of the direct involvement
of religious organisations based in Pakistan — such as the Markaz-ud-Dawa-wal-Irshad
— and also of a pan-Islamist thrust that seeks to take the conflict
beyond J&K to the rest of India. Evidence of Osama bin Laden’s
interests and initiative in supporting terrorist and subversive
forces in J&K has also been strengthened. There has also been
a visible improvement in the firepower available to the terrorists:
apart from the ‘standard issue' Kalashnikov rifles, security forces
have also seized rocket and missile launchers, anti-aircraft guns,
anti-tank and anti-personnel mines, during the year. In addition,
thousands of kilograms of plastic explosives and a variety of
sophisticated triggering mechanisms were also seized.
The Northeastern
region continues to be in turmoil, even as further evidence of
growing linkages between certain insurgent outfits and the ISI
emerges. Security forces continue to battle with insurgency in
Assam, Manipur,
Nagaland, Tripura
and Meghalaya. The States of Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram are witness
to violence, which primarily emerges from the spillover factor
of insurgencies.
In the continuing
terrorist violence in Assam, 225 lives were lost between January
and May 15, 2001. Despite a change in the State government, outfits
such as the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA),
National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB)
and United People's Democratic Solidarity (UPDS)
persisted with their insurgent activity. This is a continuation
of the trend in the year 2000 when the State witnessed a rise
in insurgency-related violence, with a total of 389 civilians,
74 security force personnel and 315 terrorists were killed. These
figures stood at 220, 79 and 212, respectively, in the previous
year.
Casualties of Terrorist
Violence in Assam (1999-2001)
* Data till May 15.
Of the 43 insurgent
groups operating in the state, the ULFA occupied the centrestage.
The major trend this year was the targeting of the non-Assamese
Hindi speaking population. Between late October and early December
2000, the ULFA killed more than 80 non-Assamese in separate incidents.
Meanwhile, extending
the cease-fire with the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isak
Muivah (NSCN-IM)
on June 14, 2001, the Union government agreed to remove restrictions
on the territorial jurisdiction of the treaty. The original agreement
between the two parties had restricted its implementation to the
State of Nagaland. This was promptly interpreted by other States
of the region as recognition of the NSCN-IM's claim of a greater
Nagaland, Nagalim. Manipur witnessed wide spread violent
protests over this decision. Under pressure from different political
formations in Manipur and other States of the Northeast, the Union
government was forced to restore the territorial jurisdiction
of the cease-fire agreement on July 27.
Earlier, consequent
to long-term political instability in Manipur, President's rule
was imposed in the State on June 2, 2001. President’s rule has
since been extended for a further period of six months with effect
from the December 2, 2001. From January 2001 to May 15, 2001,
a total of 100 persons lost their lives in terrorist-induced violence
in Manipur. This included 30 civilians, 57 terrorists and 13 security
force personnel. In 2000, 237 persons were killed, as compared
to 231 in 1999. There was a marginal decrease in the number of
security personnel and civilians killed, to 50 and 87, respectively,
in 2000, as compared to 64 and 89 in 1999. The number of terrorists
killed increased to 100 in 2000 as against 78 in 1999.
Casualties of Terrorist
Violence in Manipur (1999-2001)
* Data till May 15.
Among the 35 terrorist
groups in the State, 18 were reported to be active through the
year. Prominent among them were the five outlawed Meitei terrorist
outfits – the United National Liberation Front (UNLF),
the People’s Liberation Army (PLA),
the People’s Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK),
the Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP)
and Kanglei Yawol Kunna Lup (KYKL).
The NSCN-IM continued to be active in the Naga-inhabited districts
of Manipur–Ukhrul, Senapati and Tamenglong. The Kuki-Naga conflict,
which had raged for almost a decade, abated, with just two persons
killed in 1999, and none in 2000.
Tripura witnessed
continued terrorist violence with terrorist groups indulging in
extortion, killings and abductions. A total of 132 persons lost
their lives in terrorist related violence between January and
May 15, 2001. This included 89 civilians, 27 security force personnel
and 16 terrorists. In the year 2000, a total of 405 persons lost
their lives as compared to 303 in 1999. The casualties among security
force personnel, civilians and terrorists were 17, 351 and 37,
respectively in 2000, as compared to 41, 240 and 22 in 1999. A
significant aspect of the terrorists' operating in the State was
the growing evidence of a deepening nexus between major political
parties and terrorist groups. Terrorist outfits in Tripura also
strengthened their existing network with other groups in the region.
These groups, aided by the ISI, exploit the 865 km-long porous
border with Bangladesh to establish their hideouts beyond Indian
territory. Reports indicate that Tripura has emerged as a corridor
for pushing arms into the Northeast, with outfits such as the
National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT)
procuring arms and ammunition from South East Asian countries
such as Thailand and Singapore, and depositing them at Cox's Bazaar
in Bangladesh, one of the major illegal arms centre in the region.
Casualties of Terrorist
Violence in Tripura (1999-2001)
* Data till May 15. More
Graphs & Data>>
Among the 30 terrorist
outfits currently operating in Tripura, two – the NLFT and the
All Tripura Tiger Force (ATTF)
– were responsible for most of the violent subversive activities.
Tribal terrorists specifically targeted the Bengali populace,
whom they call ‘settler refugees’. Over 10,000 non-tribals have
reportedly fled from their home in Tripura. The attacks on non-tribal
people became more frequent after the victory of the Indigenous
People’s Front of Tripura (IPFT), the political wing of the NLFT,
in the Tripura Tribal Area Autonomous District Council elections
in May 2000. The level of violence in Tripura has also been heightened
by the emergence of Bengali militant outfits like the United Bengali
Liberation Front (UBLF)
and Amra Bengali. The UBLF came into existence in October 1999
to protect the Bengali population. The group has been involved
in a number of activities, including abduction, extortion, arson,
bombing and the killing of tribals.
There was widespread
approval in Nagaland when the Union government had announced the
removal of territorial limits in the cease-fire agreement with
the NSCN-IM on June 14. Terrorist outfits such as the Naga National
Council-Federal (NNC-F) and the National Socialist Council of
Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K)
joined non-violent state organisations such as the Naga Hoho,
the apex tribal council, in welcoming this decision. However,
when the Union government re-imposed the territorial restriction
on July 27, the NSCN-IM threatened to end the existing cease-fire,
renewing prospects of violence in Nagaland. The State remained
relatively peaceful in the first six months of the year 2001.
A total of 21 persons including four civilians and 17 security
force personnel lost their lives in terrorist related violence
between January and May 15, 2001. Earlier, on April 30, 2001 the
Union Government and the NSCN-K renewed their cease-fire agreement
for one year.
Casualties of Terrorist
Violence in Nagaland (1999-2001)
* Data till May 15.
In 2000, 13 civilians,
four security forces personnel and 82 terrorists were killed as
compared to 26, four and 124 respectively in 1999. Apart from
the two factions of NSCN, other terrorist outfits remained largely
passive. The extension of cease-fire with NSCN-IM for one more
year starting from August 1, 2000, remained the most significant
development of the year. The arrest of Th. Muivah, the General
Secretary of the NSCN-IM, in Bangkok in January 2000, stalled
the dialogue process for a considerable period as the outfit refused
to nominate another member to take Muivah’s place in the dialogue
process. The process was reinitiated in May 2001, when the Union
Home Ministry and the NSCN-IM led by V.S. Atem reached a joint
agreement to reactivate the Cease-fire Monitoring Group (CMG)
to ensure complete cessation of violence. The Mizoram Chief Minister,
Zoramthanga initiated a direct dialogue with the NSCN-IM leadership.
Zoramthanga, an ex-rebel himself, had two meetings with Isak Chisi
Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah in Bangkok
Arunanchal Pradesh
witnessed the spillover effect of insurgencies from the neighbouring
States, particularly Nagaland, Assam and Manipur. The Tirap and
Changlang districts in the State are turning into a safe haven
for insurgents from the neighbouring States. In 2000, three security
personnel, seven civilians and 24 terrorists were killed, as against
three civilians and three terrorists in 1999. Insurgent groups
such as ULFA, NSCN-K and Bodo outfits are reportedly using Arunanchal
Pradesh territory to locate their hideouts and for other subversive
activities.
Meghalaya grappled
with political uncertainties and problems posed by the two militant
outfits, the Hyniewtrep National Libertation Council (HNLC)
and the Achik National Volunteer Council (ANVC).
In the year 2000, 13 civilians, seven security force personnel
and 15 terrorists were killed in insurgency related violence as
compared to five civilians and 17 security force personnel killed
in 1999. On November 16, 2000, the Central government banned these
two outfits.
Mizoram largely remained
free from terrorist violence. During the year 2000, four civilians,
seven security force personnel and one terrorist were killed in
militancy-related violence. In 1999, two civilians and five security
forces personnel lost their lives. On June 30, 2000, seven members
of the elite anti-terrorist Hunter Force of the Mizoram Police
were killed in an ambush by suspected Bru National Liberation
Front (BNLF) terrorists along the Indo-Bangladesh border in Mamit
district.
Barring a few isolated
and sporadic incidents of violence, Punjab
continued to witness peace for the eighth consecutive year. However,
18 civilians were killed and more than 70 injured in six incidents
of bomb explosions reported from different parts of the State
during 2000. The developments in Punjab indicate that Pakistan
is yet to give up its attempts to co-opt Indian Sikhs to further
its design in and on India. Reports point to the existence of
a network among Sikh and non-Sikh terrorist groups across the
international borders, including various terrorist organisations
active in different States, including J&K.
Left-wing extremist
groups, the Naxalites, continued to perpetrate violence in their
strongholds in Bihar and Andhra Pradesh, even as they sustained
activities in Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Orissa. Various
Naxalite outfits joined hands to float the first united army of
the Naxalites, the People's Guerrilla Army (PGA), early in December
2000, in Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand and Madhya Pradesh.
Formed on the lines of the New People's Army in Phillippines and
the People's Liberation Army of Peru, the PGA, the Naxalite leadership
claimed, would work alongside extremists of Kashmir, Assam, Nagaland,
Manipur and the LTTE,
and would even have fraternal relationship with Communist forces
in Phillippines, Chechnya, the Kurds and the Chiapas. There was,
however, a decline in Naxalite violence in Andhra Pradesh. Bihar
and Jharkhand, however, were the worst hit. Violence perpetrated
by Naxalite groups such as the People’s War Group (PWG), the Maoist
Communist Centre (MCC) and Ranvir Sena, a private army of landlords,
remains a serious security threat. In Jharkhand, in addition to
a series of landmine blasts that targeted security force personnel,
MCC cadres killed the Lohardaga Superintendent of Police, Ajay
Kumar Singh, and the Hazaribagh District Collector’s wife. The
year 2000 also saw the emergence of a Muslim extremist outfit,
the Ali Sena, in Mandar near Ranchi. The State government has
approved the recruitment of local youth as ‘home guards’ to counter
the Naxalites in 600 villages in the Naxalite-affected areas.
The Central government
continued with its efforts to contain Naxalite violence. The Co-ordination
Centre set up in the Ministry of Home Affairs approved a scheme
for the reimbursement of 50 per cent of security-related expenditure
incurred by all the affected States during the period between
April 1996 – March 2001. The Co-ordination Centre continuously
assesses the measures taken by the State Governments to combat
the menace of left wing extremism.
Islamist extremism
has been on the rise in several other States of India. The proscribed
Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI)
and the Deendar
Anjuman are reportedly involved in several subversive activities
and also in promoting extremism. Police in various States carried
out a joint operation and arrested several SIMI activists and
Hizb-ul-Mujahideen terrorists, exposing their emerging alliance.
Among several subversive activities, the SIMI is suspected of
involvement in the twin blasts in Delhi on May 9, 2001 in which
one person was injured. The first bomb exploded near the Army
Headquarters and another at a parking lot on the Dalhousie Road.
The Cost of Terrorism:
Civilians and Security Force Personnel killed in Terrorist Violence
|
1999
|
2000
|
2001
|
Total
|
Mizoram
|
7
|
11
|
0
|
18
|
Arunachal Pradesh
|
3
|
10
|
52
|
65
|
Megalaya
|
22
|
19
|
32
|
73
|
Nagaland
|
30
|
17
|
27
|
74
|
Manipur
|
153
|
144
|
95
|
392
|
Tripura
|
281
|
469
|
370
|
1120
|
Assam
|
291
|
431
|
323
|
1045
|
J&K
|
1354
|
1480
|
1332
|
4166
|
Total
|
1888
|
2555
|
1633
|
6076
|
The graph is not to scale
Note: The figures for
J&K in 2001 is for the period January-October. For all the
other states it is January-May 15
The year 2000 also
witnessed disturbing trends along India's borders with Nepal and
Bangladesh, which have become a safe and secure smuggling route
for the arms trade, and for the movement of subversives and terrorists.
The Bihar-Uttar Pradesh belt also witnessed increasing activities
of the ISI, including the proliferation of madrassas (religious
seminaries) along the Indo-Nepal border. To counter this, the
governments of Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal have decided
to establish a new task force to patrol the 720-km long stretch
along the Indo-Nepal border to counter subversive activities and
the movement of arms and narcotics. In July 2000, India and Nepal
agreed on the need to improve management of the India-Nepal border
in order to prevent trans-border activities of terrorists, criminals
and other undesirable elements, without affecting legitimate cross-border
activities of ordinary law-abiding citizens.
The Degree of Success
in India's Counter-Terrorism operations: Terrorists Killed
The graph is not
to scale
Note: The figures for
J&K in 2001 is for the period January-October. For all the
other states it is January-May 15
Illegal migration
of Bangladeshi nationals into India and the use of Bangladeshi
territory by various Northeast insurgents remained a grave security
concern. To stop such illegal migration, the Government of India
has decided to fence the entire Indo-Bangladesh border at an estimated
cost of Rs.13.34 billion.
India consistently
highlighted the need for a unified international response to transnational
and trans-border terrorism at different international fora and
also called for a concerted global action to counter terrorism
and to ensure the enactment of measures such as sanctions against
state sponsors of terrorism. As a result of New Delhi's efforts,
some countries including USA, Canada, Britain, France and Israel
have agreed to set up Joint Working Groups with India to tackle
cross-border terrorism.
|