An ongoing 'failure
of imagination'?
Ajai Sahni
Editor, SAIR; Executive Director, Institute for Conflict
Management
A "failure of imagination", the Panel investigating the
September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks in the US stated,
was what kept US officials from understanding the Al
Qaeda threat before the catastrophic events in
New York and Washington.
There is,
however, a manifest and abiding danger today, that a future
investigation into terrorist plots that
are yet to be accomplished would find another, even greater,
'failure of imagination', culminating in horrors that may
easily dwarf the events of 9/11.
The 9/11
Panel has been sagacious in noting that the critical element
that must be understood if an adequate response to global
terrorism is to be crafted, is that "we are in the midst
of an ideological conflict". The contemporary assessment
of where precisely inimical ideologies are located will
be crucial to the outcome of this conflict - and here, again,
there is an evident error in the dominant American evaluation.
It is, of course, the case that Osama
bin Laden has been one of the most articulate
representatives of this ideology, and his Al Qaeda one of
its most effective manifestations. But there are many 'future
bin Ladens' waiting in the wings, largely unnoticed, or
systematically and intentionally ignored, by the American
establishment, as well as by much of the world.
Among the most dangerous instances of this neglect occur
in Pakistan. The present US Administration appears to have
substantially 'outsourced' the management of its security
interests in this region to what it perceives as a pliant,
even servile, military dictatorship headed by General Pervez
Musharraf, and there is a belief that this regime will bring
about the 'enlightened moderation' that America hopes for
in its favoured ally. It is useful, consequently, to identify
where precisely, within this arrangement, the ideologies
of hatred are articulated, what their constituent elements
are, and what relationship the Musharraf regime has with
their most visible advocates.
On May 20 this year, a meeting was organised at Muzaffarabad
in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK) by the Hizb-ul-Mujahiddeen
(HM),
the largest terrorist group operating in the Indian State
of Jammu & Kashmir (J&K). The meeting commemorated the 'martyrdom'
of two of its 'commanders' in J&K, on May 6, 2004, and was
only one of many such routinely organised to commemorate
the rather frequent 'martyrdom' of prominent terrorist cadres
in J&K. The current Pakistani fiction, substantially accepted
by the 'international community', is that the HM is an 'indigenous'
Kashmiri group with an agenda exclusively limited to the
'liberation' of Kashmir. The HM is not a banned organisation
in Pakistan, and operates openly with significant infrastructural,
material and military support from the Inter Services Intelligence
(ISI). The May 20 meeting was addressed by, among others,
Syed Mohammad Yusuf Shah @ Syed Salahuddin, the 'Supreme
Commander' of the Hizb; Shiekh Aqil-ur-Rahman, the District
Chief, Murzaffarabad, of the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), one of
the largest 'mainstream' political parties in Pakistan,
and Javed Iqbal, also of the JI; Ghulam Rasool Shah @ Abdur
Rafiya, Deputy Chief, Jamiat-ul-Mujahiddeen, a terrorist
organisation supposedly 'banned' in Pakistan; and Mohd.
Farooq Rahmani, Convener, All Parties Hurriyat Conference
(APHC),
POK, an organisation engaged in a 'peaceful struggle' for
the 'liberation' of J&K.
Significantly,
the meeting was held openly in a public ground in an affluent
area in Muzaffarabad, and the benign presence of uniformed
police personnel is visible in the video
record secured by the South Asia Terrorism
Portal.
It is not possible, here, to reproduce the full text of
their speeches translated from the Urdu, but their main
thrust can be communicated, without comment, with a few
extracts:
Syed Salahuddin, 'Supreme Commander', Hizb-ul-Mujahideen
thus states: 
"Almighty Allah, by his will and tactics, is bringing the
Jihad Movement of Kashmir on a track that will liberate
not only the oppressed people of Jammu and Kashmir but also
crores of Muslims and other minorities in India oppressed
by Brahmin imperialists…
"Islamic history, the Holy Quran, the biographies of the
Holy Prophet Mohammed and his virtuous followers, and the
whole of history proves that no Muslim issue could ever
be solved on the negotiating table. Can anyone quote an
example and tell me whether any Muslim issue has been solved
in their favour according to their will on the negotiating
table? Disputes have been solved only on the battlefield.
On the table? Yes! We were cheated! Don't go far, ask the
Palestinian people how they were cheated in the Camp David
agreement. Afghan Mujahideen were cheated in the
Geneva Agreement. If the Mujahideen had not tackled
the problem through their iman (faith), then today
Russia would have Afghanistan firmly in its claws…
"Most humbly and respectfully, I request the leadership
of my base-camp and the political leadership of the God-gifted
state (Pakistan), whether they are in power or in opposition,
in politics or in religion that: "Take not for friends Unbelievers
rather than Believers." Jews and Hindus were neither your
friends earlier nor can they be today...
"The God-gifted Pakistan will emerge as a prosperous Islamic,
nuclear and Islamic country that can listen to the cry for
help of the empty-handed, innocent child Mujahideen,
the shamed mothers and sisters in Palestine. There is no
Salahuddin Ayyubi[1] or Nooruddin Zangi[2]
in the entire Arab world who can listen to their cry for
help. There is no Mohammad bin Qasim,[3]
Tariq bin Ziyad,[4] and no Salahuddin Ayyubi
in the entire Muslim world who can prevent the blood shed
of helpless Muslims, which flows like rivers in the hills
of Afghanistan, in the deserts of Iraq, in the sky high
mountains of Kashmir or in the Chechnyan valley strewn with
flowers. There are 56 Muslim countries, 56 organized Muslim
forces and all of them have surrendered to the devil's forces.
They are defeated and helpless….
"Dear youth! Allah bless you, Allah has chosen you by his
own powerful hand. He has chosen you for protecting the
honour of Islam. Who is there today? Where have Saddam's
500,000 forces and 80,000 Republican Guards gone? Who is
present today to challenge the imperialist powers? Who is
defeating the allied forces in the deserts of Arab Iraq,
and who is breaking the pride of America? Who is causing
trouble in the hills of Afghanistan and for the 750,000
forces of Indian imperialists in the Kashmir Valley, strewn
with flowers? Who is attacking the Generals in Chechnya?
Dear youth! They are none other than the Mujahideen,
the successors of the holy Prophet Mohammed. In this context,
Prophet Mohammed (peace be upon him) said: "To embark on
the cause of Allah, whether in night or day, is the greatest
good on earth." These are the Mujahideen who teach
a lesson to all forces of the devil, who will make Allah's
religion achieve eminence and will protect the honour of
the oppressed millat (community). They are the Mujahideen
about whom it was said that on judgment day Allah will weigh
all the treasures of the earth and the sky on one side and
a day or a night in the life of the Mujahideen on
the other side."
Sheikh Aqil-ur-Rahman of the JI declares:
"The rulers of Islamabad and India as well as those of America,
who are conspiring against jihad should understand
that Muslims cannot compromise with jihad. It is an integral
part of our Iman (faith). We do not posses the same
eminence and stature as the five hundred thousand brethren
who have sacrificed their lives for this purpose. But we
will also follow their paths and sacrifice our lives."
Javed Iqbal, also of the JI:
"My brethren! Today, after 9/11, people all over the world
are saying that the situation has changed and the Mujahideen
should learn their lesson and they should stop their
activities. My brethren! If we believe in Allah, if we believe
in the Holy Quran, if we are the followers of the Prophet
Mohammed (peace be upon him) and believe in him, then jihad
is the destination of our lives. Jihad is our
only path and we have to follow it."
Sheikh Jamil-ur-Rahman, a political Leader in PoK:
"The Hindus can never be our friends. The Holy Quran confirms
it. In clear words, Allah also says that the Jews and Christians
too cannot be our friends. Those who are initiating friendship
between India and Pakistan are misguiding the nation. They
are cheating the nation. Friendship with the Hindus is unnatural,
unprincipled and unlawful."
These voices are neither isolated exceptions, nor the most
extreme in the ideological discourse that dominates the
Islamist core in Pakistan.
In an address at Jamia Qadsia in Lahore, on July 9, 2004,
Hafiz Mohammad Saeed, founder of the Jamaat-ud-Dawa
and its terrorist arm, the supposedly 'banned' Lashkar-e-Taiba
(LeT),
states:
"Islam was spread and propagated in the world through jihad.
Jihad strengthens the relation between Islam and
the Muslims and reinforces their Iman (Faith). In
the past too, through jihad, infidels were defeated
in the world and infidelity crushed. Islam achieved eminence
and even today, jihad will lead to similar results
by the will of Allah…
Earlier, on June 7, 2004, Saeed had written in Jasrat:
"The US thought that it would keep jihad limited
to Afghanistan and extend its agenda of usurping the natural
resources of the Muslim world to Central Asia. But jihad's
wave spread all over the world. The US wants to control
this wave. Jihad is the biggest threat to the US
interest. There is nothing like al-Qaeda. It is the figment
of the US' imagination. The US has concocted an outfit like
al-Qaeda to massacre the Muslims all over the world. It
has concocted false stories related to al-Qaeda with the
help of the foreign media…
"America is bleeding these days. It has become a threat
to peace. When a wounded animal becomes a threat to one's
life, it is shot dead. It is time to gun down the US. The
US is the enemy of our religious culture, jihad,
curriculum, the two-nation theory, the people of tribal
areas and Kashmir."
What is articulated by these eminences grises of the jehadi
terror finds constant echoes in the Urdu media.
In Jasarat, on June 12, 2004, Javed Kasuri, 'Deputy
Supreme Commander' of the HM states: "The US, Israel and
India feel threatened by those who sit on a mat and recite
the Quran in madrassahs. Jihadis are the only
force that can challenge US imperialism. The entire west
is Islam's enemy… To save Islam, all the Muslim sects will
have to unite and wage jihad against the west."
Conspiracy theories and denial abound in this discourse.
In the Nawai Waqt of May 26, 2004, Dr. Asrar Ahmad,
a 'well known Islamic scholar', writes:
"The US has invaded Iraq at Israel's behest. The US wants
to make greater Israel by subjugating Iraq. Sharon had stated
some time ago, that Iraq is part of Israel. The Iraq war
is not the game of oil but securing a stable future for
Israel. The 9/11 investigations have been stopped because
it was masterminded by Israel and the US cannot take any
action against the Jews. Europe will go to war against the
US and Israel because a crusade is on the card that will
be fought between the Jews and the Christians. The Europe
will try to conquer the US and Israel to make the world
a Catholic colony.'
On June 23, in an interview in Takbeer, Ahmad takes
the thesis further:
"9/11 was not bin Laden's brainchild but of the US, Israel
and the Jews. It was masterminded to provide the US an excuse
to destroy Afghanistan. In fact, the US wants to make Afghanistan
another home for the Jews. It will facilitate Jews' settlement
in Afghanistan…
"The UN's agenda is to promote obscenity, incest and free-sex
culture in the name of 'gender-empowerment'. The UN wants
Musharraf to legalize prostitution, gay and lesbian marriage
in Pakistan…"
Ludicrous as these statements may seem to Western sensibilities,
they form a substantial component of Islamist 'scholarship'
in Pakistan.
Worse still, as has been repeatedly noted in the past, the
extremist Islamist discourse on jehad, and shahadat
(martyrdom) and the 'global conspiracy' against and
threat to Islam is not the province of mullahs and
militants alone, and has penetrated every aspect of the
Pakistani
educational system - and not, as is widely believed,
just the extremist madrassahs.
It is useful to note that the examples drawn up in this
Assessment are a small selection of statements and writings
in the past less than three months. A comprehensive archive
of extremist discourse in this vein for the entire period
since 9/11 would fill volumes, and would include innumerable
statements by elements proximate to, or directly connected
with, the Musharraf regime.
Some of these dangers have been acknowledged, for the pre-9/11
period under its review, by the 9/11 Panel. One writer notes
that a cursory key word search of the Panel's report recovers
"more than 200 references to Pakistan, many of them damning.
There are less than 100 references to Iran and Iraq combined."
Nevertheless, ignorance persists at unacceptable levels.
The international Press and diplomatic community, largely
located in protected and affluent enclaves, with their attention
fixed firmly on the relatively moderate and westernized
English language media, remain substantially uncomprehending
of these dangerous undercurrents. Worse, denial remains
integral to the mindset of many Western - and particularly
US - observers. A mention of the 'dominant ideology of Pakistan'
to a senior US diplomat posted in that country, for instance,
drew a sharp response rejecting the idea that any such 'dominant
ideology' could actually be identified. Such denial also
characterizes the mainstream political discourse on the
issue in India today, and constitutes a danger even greater
than the direct threat of contemporary terrorism, creating
vast spaces for the continuous consolidation of ideas that
will breed much worse in the years to come.
|
Notes
- The 12th-century Saladin, sultan
of Egypt and Syria, who united Arabs across North
Africa and Western Asia against the crusading Christians.
- Nooruddin Zangi, Saladin's army
commander.
- Mohammad Bin Qasim, the Muslim
soldier who conquered present-day Pakistan early
in the 8th century (AD 712) and extended Umayyad
Muslim rule to the Indus Valley.
- Tariq bin Ziyad, a Berber Muslim
who led the conquest of Visigoth Spain in 711.
|
Extraditions: Flight
to Freedom?
Saji Cherian
Research Associate, Institute for Conflict Management
Post September 11, there has been a virtual deluge of wanted
criminals, including many who have linkages with terrorist
groups and operations, deported from foreign shores into
Mumbai's Chhatrapati Shivaji International Airport, bringing
joy to the police apparatus in the country, and especially
the city cops of Mumbai. A majority of these criminals have
been deported from Dubai, a favourite haunt for the crime-syndicates,
as the city-state apparently came under increasing pressure
from the US and other countries to take action against the
latter. However, the latest name that may be added to the
list is that of mafia don Abu Salem, as a result of a Lisbon
High Court order on July 19, 2004, for his extradition to
India. Salem is among the prime conspirators in the March
1993 multiple Mumbai Blasts, the largest single act of terrorism
in India, in which 257 persons were killed, and another
713 injured. This carnage had been orchestrated by the Dawood
Ibrahim gang, at the behest of Pakistan's Inter Services
Intelligence (ISI), with explosives and logistics support,
as well as subsequent safe havens for the perpetrators,
provided by Pakistan.
Organised
crime syndicates, especially the one led by Dawood Ibrahim,
have long had links with a range of terrorist groups, including
a complex web of connections that have been exposed during
investigations into the Al
Qaeda and Taliban
network. As a result, on October 16, 2003, the US Department
of Treasury announced that it was designating Dawood Ibrahim,
under Executive Order 13224, a "Specially Designated Global
Terrorist". Investigators had found that Ibrahim
had been sharing his smuggling routes and infrastructure
with Al Qaeda and had been funding the Lashkar-e-Toiba
(LeT).
In India, Dawood's men have been involved in numerous crimes
including contract killings, murder, land-grabbing, extortion,
drug-running and the 1993 Mumbai bomb blasts. The gang's
nexus with terrorists operating in Kashmir was first established
when, on August 9, 1998, the Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) Police
eliminated the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen's (HM)
top Kashmir Valley 'commander', Ali Mohammad Dar, alias
Burhanuddin Hijazi. According to Frontline's Praveen
Swami, hundreds of sheets of hand-written notes meant for
Syed Salahuddin (the Hizb's 'Supreme Commander', based in
Pakistan), were recovered from Dar's temporary hideout in
Srinagar. One of the note stated: "Ways and means should
be found to launch the movement in India on (a) priority
basis." He suggested that a broad linkage be established
with the Dubai underworld. "Kingpins of the underworld (should)
be contacted to have the weapons and ammunition launched
for us through other possible ways." "A cell of three persons"
would work "to develop relations with underworld beings
like Dawood Ibrahim and trying to have a project of counterfeit
currency."
Each deportation of a high-profile Dawood lieutenant is,
consequently, seen as a significant step towards bludgeoning
the criminal-terrorist-network into submission.
Over the past two years, a noteworthy 'who's who' of the
Mumbai underworld have been deported into India. The most
prominent among these include Dawood Ibrahim's assistants,
Riyaz Siddique and Raju Sharma (deported on May 29, 2003);
Mustaffa Mohammed Umar Dossa alias Majnu Sheth (deported
on March 19, 2003); Dawood's younger brother Iqbal Sheikh
Kaskar, and Ejaz Pathan, a 1993 Mumbai serial blast accused
(deported on February 19, 2003); Mohammed Altaf, accused
in the December 2, 2002, bus blast in Ghatkopar, Mumbai
(deported on January 26, 2003); Muthappa Rai, a Dawood Ibrahim
aide (deported on May 30, 2002); and Aftab Ansari alias
Farhan Malik, main accused in the American Center shootout
in Kolkata (deported on February 9, 2002). Recently, the
Mumbai Joint Commissioner of Police (Crime) Satya Pal Singh
(now transferred), disclosed that Iqbal Mirchi, another
one of Dawood Ibrahim's trusted lieutenants, had been detained
by enforcement agencies in the United States and is likely
to be deported soon. The most recent deportation from Dubai
has been that of Dawood-aide Tariq Parveen, on July 19,
2004. Parveen faces charges under the Maharashtra Control
of Organised Crime Act, 1999 (MCOCA)
in connection with the Sara-Sahara Shopping Complex land
grab case, in which Dawood's youngest brother Iqbal Kaskar
has already been charge-sheeted.
But the extraditions to India may just be the beginnings
of a new set of problems for authorities here, as the process
of securing convictions for these criminals is proving far
more difficult than securing their arrests. Given India's
extraordinarily sluggish judicial system, poor investigative
mechanisms, and the ubiquitous and persistent threat of
organized criminal groups, convictions in even the most
high profile cases have been elusive.
Thus, on August 7, 2003, a Sessions Court in Mumbai discharged
Iqbal Kaskar, Dawood Ibrahim's younger brother, in a case
pertaining to the murder of a Customs informant for 'want
of evidence', leaving the sibling now charged only in a
case relating to a relatively minor land-grabbing offence.
In another appalling incident that highlights the incompetence
of the police authorities, another two deported criminals
walked free as a result of the Police's failure to produce
the evidence it had collected. Raju Chikna alias Rajkumar
Ramdas Sharma, a key member of the Dawood gang, and wanted
for kidnapping and murder of a rival, was deported on May
29, 2003, from Dubai. Evidence against Chikna included five
tapes recording the conspiracy to murder being plotted by
Chikna, Dawood, and Chhota Rajan. The Tapes were turned
over to Crime Branch, but the Court was later informed that
the former ''could not find the tapes''. Chikna walked free
on May 11, 2004, and has apparently flown back to Dubai
to rejoin his trade.
Riyaz Ahmed Siddiqui, wanted for two murders, was deported
on May 29, 2003 from Dubai. The evidence against him comprised
solely of the First Information Report (FIR) filed against
him, as the case papers were 'missing', as were witness
statements. Siddiqui was released on a bail of Rupees 25,000
in September 2003.
Charges against Saquib Nachen, a key accused in the Mumbai
blasts of 2002-2003, and eight others under the Prevention
of Terrorism Act (POTA),
were dropped for the first Ghatkopar Blast that took place
in a bus in the Mumbai suburb on December 2, 2002. Though
police claimed he was the main conspirator, there was no
material evidence on record. [Nachen remains under detention
with charges under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA)
for his involvement in three other blasts in 2003].
On April 17, 2004, Muthappa Rai, was set free from a Bangalore
jail, two years after he was deported from Dubai, following
his acquittal by a court in the last of the nine cases against
him. The Court acquitted Rai and five others on April 13,
2004, in a case relating to the murder of a real estate
agent in Bangalore three years earlier, and held that the
prosecution had 'failed to prove charges'.
Abu Salem's extradition has additional complications, and
there is little possibility of his eventually facing condign
punishment for his outrageous crimes. The Lisbon High Court's
extradition order comes with a rider: the Court has ordered
that Salem can only be tried for minor offences such as
passport forgery and possession of illegal weapons in India.
Even if he chooses to plead guilty, Salem could walk free
in a few years, after serving the maximum possible sentences
for these offences concurrently.
The greatest embarrassment of the future may well be Dawood
Ibrahim himself. Ibrahim figures prominently on the famous
'List of 20' handed over by the Government of India to Pakistan,
allegedly of terrorists currently enjoying safe haven in
that country. The predecessor Atal Behari Vajpayee regime
at Delhi had led a shrill propaganda campaign - before an
abruptly initiated 'peace process' catalyzed a deafening
silence on the issue - on the importance of the arrest and
deportation of the terrorists on this 'List of 20', at one
time, predicating any possibility of negotiations with Pakistan
on the fulfillment of this demand, among others. The problem,
however, is that the Mumbai police apparently does not have
the case papers of the various crimes personally committed
by Dawood Ibrahim. In the 1993 bomb blasts case, which is
the 'strongest' case against Ibrahim, his role is that of
a 'conspirator', and it is well known that the charge of
conspiracy is rarely proved in India, since case is usually
based on circumstantial evidence. In all the cases registered
against Ibrahim after 1983, including the 1993 serial blasts
case, Ibrahim is accused only as a conspirator, with no
direct evidence against him. On the other hand, of the six
cases registered against him before 1983, the case papers
and crime registers are 'not available' in five. The sixth
one is a case of dacoity registered with the Crime Branch
in 1974 - the oldest pending case against Ibrahim - in which
he was acquitted by the Bombay High Court in 1985. No case
has been registered against Ibrahim since 2001.
It would, consequently, be no surprise in the future, if
we see Dawood walking in through the International Airport
in Mumbai, and, possibly after a brief entanglement with
the judiciary, onwards to freedom, and to recover his vast
organized criminal empire and its illegal wealth.
The recent and increasingly frequent deportation of wanted
criminals to India is definitely a remarkable development;
but a combination of ground realties in the country may
turn this apparent blessing into a damning indictment of
our languid justice apparatus.
Meghalaya: Truce
on Track
Wasbir Hussain
Associate Fellow, Institute for Conflict Management, New
Delhi; Consulting Editor, The Sentinel, Guwahati
Yet another separatist militant group in India's Northeast
has joined the truce train, raising hopes of an end to another
insurrection in the turbulent region. On July 23, 2004,
the Indian Government and the outlawed Achik National Volunteer
Council (ANVC)
signed a ceasefire agreement in New Delhi, paving the way
for cessation of the cat-and-mouse battles between its cadres
and the security forces in the Garo Hills area of Meghalaya
State, bordering Assam and Bangladesh. The two sides are
to utilize the period of truce to talk peace and evolve
an acceptable solution to the issues raised by the ANVC.
The tripartite
ceasefire deal was signed by ANVC 'General Secretary' Wanding
K. Marak, who had led the seven-member rebel delegation,
and 'Joint Secretary' Janggam Momin. On behalf of the Meghalaya
Government, State Chief Secretary P.J. Bazely and Director
General of Police L. Sailo signed the agreement, while A.K.
Rastogi, Secretary, Border Management in the Ministry of
Home Affairs (MHA) and Rajiv Agarwal, Joint Secretary (Northeast)
in the MHA, represented the Central Government. The following
are the highlights of the agreement:
- The ceasefire deal is
for a period of six months, and renewable thereafter.
- Both the ANVC and the
security forces would stop operations against each other.
- ANVC has agreed to stop
violence and unlawful activities like extortion, killing,
abduction and intimidation and not to carry weapons in
public.
-
The
ANVC cadres would be housed in two designated camps
along with their arms, and their movement would be regulated
by the security forces. They have to move out with police
guards, at least one of whom would be from the Meghalaya
Police.
-
A joint
monitoring group headed by the Joint Secretary (Northeast)
in the MHA has been formed to oversee the implementation
of the ceasefire deal. The Group would have representatives
from the Meghalaya Government, the ANVC and different
federal security agencies.
After signing
the deal, ANVC 'General Secretary' Marak commented to the
media that his group has 'full faith in the country's Constitution'
and that he was 'expecting a fruitful dialogue process'.
This must have been comforting news for the authorities
dealing with this armed band. Ever since its formation in
December 1995, the ANVC has been engaged in a hit-and-run
campaign to push for its demand for an 'Achik Land' comprising
the two Garo Hills districts in Meghalaya, and a large chunk
of Kamrup and Goalpara district in adjoining Assam. Reports
suggest that the ANVC had indulged in some 137 violent incidents
since its formation.
Intelligence estimates put the number of ANVC cadres at
250. But, it is not really the numbers, but its strong linkages
with other dreaded rebel groups in India's Northeast, and
its trans-border reach and activities that had been worrying
the authorities. Initially, it was believed that the Isak-Muivah
faction of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN-IM)
had propped up the ANVC. Later, however, the ANVC snapped
links with the NSCN-IM as well as with the National Democratic
Front of Bodoland (NDFB),
and got closer to the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA).
Intelligence sources suggest that both the ULFA and the
ANVC needed each other. While the ULFA needed the ANVC's
help to provide shelter to its cadres in the strategic Garo
Hills region which give them access to Bangladesh, the ANVC
needed the Assam outfit's assistance in procuring weapons,
receiving training and getting funds.
Despite being a comparatively minor insurgent group with
a low strike potential, much like the other rebel group
in Meghalaya, the Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council
(HNLC),
the ANVC had created torrid times for the Government with
the string of killings and abductions that it had carried
out. The group had targeted traders, school teachers, and
Government officials, and had kidnapped, among others, an
Assistant Director of the Intelligence Bureau, and a Customs
officer, besides extorting money from traders and exporters
in the area. Significantly, intelligence sources had also
accused the ANVC of earning substantial amounts of money
by circulating fake currency 'at the behest of the Pakistani
Inter Services Intelligence.'
The signing of the ceasefire agreement is not an overnight
development. In February 2003, then Union Minister of State
for Home I.D. Swamy had stated that peace efforts were underway
with the ANVC. Later, in April 2003, reports indicated that
the ANVC had held exploratory talks with Indian Government
emissaries at Bangkok. The Meghalaya Government stepped
in with Chief Minister D.D. Lapang offering truce to the
ANVC in September 2003. For long, however, the ANVC refused
to admit that it was on its way to sign a truce with the
Government. In fact, in September 2003, days after Chief
Minister Lapang's ceasefire offer, the ANVC took the decision
not to attend a peace meeting called by the Church under
the banner of the Garo Baptist Convention.
It is not clear why the ANVC leaders, after signing the
truce deal on July 23, 2004, stated that no political leader
was involved in the negotiation process. In fact, the role
of politicians was manifest, if the actions of the Meghalaya
Government are to be taken as any indication. At one stage,
Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) leader and former Lok Sabha
Speaker, P.A. Sangma, who represents the Tura Lok Sabha
seat from Meghalaya's Garo Hills in Parliament, was supposed
to have been assigned the task by the predecessor Atal Behari
Vajpayee Government in New Delhi, to talk peace with the
ANVC. Chief Minister Lapang had even accused Sangma of 'conniving
with' the ANVC to retain his seat, a charge that Sangma
had laughed off. The Meghalaya Police had also arrested
State Minister Adolf Lu Hitler Marak on charges of links
with the ANVC. Linkages between mainstream legislative politics
and underground insurgent politics are not uncommon in Northeast
India, though that is a long and different.
For the present, the ceasefire deal with the ANVC is expected
to help counter-insurgency agencies in the region by denying
dreaded groups like the ULFA the Garo Hills bridge, which
gave them access into and from Bangladesh. It was the ANVC
that had acted as a facilitator in this region, helping
ULFA activists with shelter and safe passage to bases across
in Bangladesh. The ULFA had begun to use the Garo Hills-Bangladesh
corridor more frequently after the Royal Government in Bhutan
forced the group to close some of its camps in 2002-2003,
before the Royal Bhutan Army launched its military assault
in December 2003. On a more simplistic note, New Delhi has
won over yet another insurgent group in the volatile frontier,
and needs now to capitalize on the truce to work out a lasting
solution for a wider peace in the region.
