SOUTH ASIA INTELLIGENCE REVIEW
Hysteria has increasingly come to dominate both reportage and assessment of security crises in India, and this was, once again, evident in the extended stand-off at Lalgarh, provoked by a Maoist ‘takeover’ of some 17 out of a cluster of 118 small villages spread across some 300 square kilometres and accounting for a population of about 70,000. The media – led by the always-frenzied TV channels – spoke of a ‘war zone’, while even sober analysts and at least some security professionals gravely informed the Press that Lalgarh had been transformed into a ‘liberated area’ by the Maoists.
Few, however, saw the crisis for what it was: an opportunistic intervention by the Maoists exploiting extraordinary administrative incompetence and a protracted failure by the State Government and its agencies to respond to what was essentially a local flare-up. Crucially, for all the talk of ‘liberated zones’, the Maoists quickly faded away on the first signs of determined Police and paramilitary action – something that could have been secured at the very outset, had the State’s Marxist leaders not been in a blue funk in Kolkata, crushed by enveloping electoral humiliation and nightmares of Nandigram and Singur.
In many ways, a distilled paradigm of the Maoist strategy – both in its success and its inherent vulnerability – was manifested in Lalgarh. Critically, it is not the strength of the rebels, but the infirmity of the state that accounts for transient Maoist ‘dominance’. Local crises or grievances – especially when manifested acutely – are quickly harnessed to the wider purpose of ‘conscientization’, militant mobilization and recruitment. The objective is not, as many believe, to seize and hold ‘liberated zones’ – the Maoists have little illusion regarding their present capacities to secure and sustain such dominance against the state’s forces – but simply to take the processes of radical political mobilization a step forward. A protracted face-off with the state’s Forces enormously compresses these processes and creates unique opportunities for the identification of potential supporters and cadres. Within this context, violence – often initiated by Maoist provocateurs – and particularly violent Police action has a special utility: it helps separate the wheat from the chaff. Most will, of course, flee such violence; some will stand their ground; a handful will engage directly. Maoist recruiters will focus on the last two categories, raising new cadres, militia and members of front organizations. There is, of course, a price to pay. Bones will be broken; some poor villagers will die. But "the revolution", Chairman Mao reminds us, "is not a dinner party", and a little blood must be shed.
The objective, moreover, is not even remotely to address or redress specific popular grievances. The outcome of such a confrontation with the state is irrelevant. Whether the lot of the people of Lalgarh – or Singur or Nandigram – improves or worsens is of little significance (indeed, if it worsens, so much the better: more grievances will create new opportunities for mobilization). The purpose is, rather, to "isolate the enemy by organising the people into various cover organisations and build joint fronts in order to mobilise the masses into struggles to defeat the enemy offensive". "Army formation", the Maoists insist, further, "is the precondition for the new political power", and "all this activity should serve to intensify and extend our armed struggle. Any joint activity or tactical alliance which does not serve the cause of the peoples’ war will be a futile exercise."
It is this broad strategy that was progressively realized in Singur, Nandigram and, now, Lalgarh. Other players have, of course, been critical – the Trinamool Congress (TC) principal among the veritable armies of ‘useful idiots’ who have been taken along. The backdrop of this increasing ‘joint front activity’ has been augmenting violence and a consolidation of the Maoist presence across West Bengal – something the Communist Party of India – Marxist (CPI-M) State Government has sought consistently to deny, underplay and cover up. The State Government insists that just four Districts – West Midnapore, East Midnapore, Purulia and Bankura are affected by Maoist activities. Central agencies, however, list 17 of the State’s 18 Districts as afflicted. At least 11 Districts in the State witnessed incidents of Left Wing Extremist (LWE) violence in 2008, resulting in 24 fatalities – 19 civilians, four Security Forces (SF) personnel, and just one Maoist cadre, the last datum reflecting the complete paralysis of the State Police in the face of the Maoist challenge. Significantly, 38 persons had already lost their lives in escalating Maoist violence in West Bengal, till June 21, in 2009, including 32 civilians, five SF personnel and one Maoist. The Marxists at Kolkata have, however, remained the only State Government in the principal affected States that has refused to proscribe the Maoists. Indeed, many political parties, including the Marxists and the TC in West Bengal, as well as various national and regional formations, have, from time to time, been seduced into believing that the Maoists reflect ‘legitimate’ popular grievances and are, consequently, to be tackled ‘politically’ (whatever that may mean – the actual constituents of such ‘solutions’ are never clearly defined beyond a sanguine faith in ‘talks’) or through an impossible quantum of ‘development’ which would ‘resolve’ the ‘root causes’ of the conflict.
The Maoist tactics, strategies, and ideological framework have been articulated in great detail in the many documents and statements that are available in the open source – and central and State intelligence agencies have a much larger accumulation of such materials. It is clear, however, that there are now very few who read in Writers’ Building (the State Secretariat), and the Marxists have demonstrated, in their policies, practices and pronouncements, the most extraordinary ignorance of Maoist intent and approach.
In Lalgarh, the incoherence of approach came to a head, even as the limitless and irreducible contradictions of a Stalinist mindset trapped within a parliamentary democratic framework, and progressively and uncritically committed to globalized capitalism, were exposed. It is useful to recall, here, that the Marxists have long administered a cadre-based thuggery in the State. Strong arm tactics and the execution of all public programmes through Marxist cadres have been the hallmark of CPI-M rule in the State, with the entire structure of governance deeply politicised through the application of crude force. With the unravelling of Marxist power – a process that appears to have commenced from the moment Jyoti Basu demitted the office of Chief Minister – a widening vacuum has emerged in pockets across the State, and it is into this vacuum that other political formations – including the TC and the Maoists – have stepped in. These formations have, moreover, used emotive issues to widen this vacuum – the forcible acquisition of land at both Singur and Nandigram being cases in point. Crucially, in both these locations, the Maoists penetrated and eventually virtually took over an agitation principally initiated by the TC, lending the support of their armed cadres against Marxist stormtroopers who were initially sent in to break the agitators, and subsequently against Police and paramilitary action.
It is significant that Singur, Nandigram and Lalgarh are all contiguous, though each falls into a different administrative District, and that the INR 350 billion Jindal Steel Project – covering some 5,000 acres of land – is coming up in Salboni, abutting Lalgarh. The Salboni project is divested of the more unsavoury aspects of forcible land acquisition – 4,500 acres of the land for the project were in the State Government’s possession, while 500 acres was bought directly by the Jindals from tribals on terms that were far from ‘exploitative’. Nevertheless, the extreme Left insists that the Government’s vested land was intended for redistribution among the tribal poor – a duty that Kolkata has neglected for decades – and the transfer of forest land is ‘illegal’. In any event, Salboni did eventually get mired in the Lalgarh crisis because of an assassination attempt directed against Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya, which narrowly missed its target as well as the cavalcade of the Union Minister for Steel, Ram Vilas Paswan, in the Lalgarh area, when they were returning from the foundation-laying ceremony of the Jindal Steel Plant at Salboni on November 2, 2008. Subsequent arrests by the Police in Lalgarh were strongly protested by local tribal formations.
The hijacking of the tribal protests by the Maoists is of crucial interest. Initially, the protests against Police action (exaggerated reports of ‘atrocities’ were to be fabricated later, but the dispute was essentially over the arrest of seven tribal youth) were led by the Bharat Jakat Majhi Marwa (BJMM), a body of tribal elders, which imposed a blockade in Lalgarh. On November 14, 2008, however, the BJMM reached an agreement with the Government, and began to lift the blockade. BJMM workers were, at this point, assaulted by another group of tribals, who accused them of ‘betraying their cause’. This is the point at which the People’s Committee against Police Atrocities (PCPA) took birth, under the leadership of Chhattadhar Mahato. It is significant that Chhattadhar Mahato was associated with the TC (the Party’s leadership now insists that he was ‘expelled’ two years ago, but given the nature of party membership and records, this is not verifiable), and that he is also the brother of Sasadhar Mahato, the prime accused in the Salboni blast incident.
The PCPA immediately expanded the demands initially articulated by the BJMM, to include several that were, by clear intent, impossible to satisfy. These included the demand for the release of all tribals arrested over the preceding 10 years; the withdrawal of all Police posts and camps from the area; an apology by the Superintendent of Police, West Midnapore, by doing "sit-ups holding his ears"; and a demonstration of contrition on the part of the Police, according to which every Policeman in Lalgarh would have to crawl from the Dalilpur to the Chhotopelia village.
Astonishingly, On November 27, 2008, coinciding with the end of a 24-hour deadline set by the PCPA, the Government withdrew forces from 13 Police posts and camps in the area. Another two Police camps were shut down on December 1, 2008, after a second PCPA deadline. The PCPA set up a parallel administration by forming ‘Gram (Village) Committees’, and prevented the entry of Police and Paramilitary Forces in the villages of Belpahari, Binpur, Lalgarh, Jamboni, Salboni, Goaltore and adjoining blocks. On December 7, when the State Government promised to look into specific cases of Police excesses, the PCPA proclaimed a ‘suspension’ of the agitation.
It was at this juncture that the BJMM and a second tribal organisation, the Jowan-Gaonwa, organised a mass meeting of some 10,000 tribals, in the Bhulabheda area of Belpahari, on December 9, to protest against the growing Maoist violence and intimidation in the area. Sudhir Mandal, the tribal leader who played a central role in organising the anti-Maoist protest meeting, was shot dead two days later, at Jordanga in West Midnapore. With this single act, all tribal opposition to the PCPA-Maoist combine ended at a stroke.
Initially, Kolkata’s Marxists resorted to their standard tactics – sending in party cadres, and not the Police, to tackle the Maoists. Unfortunately for them, the times have changed, and the PCPA, backed by Maoist armed cadre, both local and brought in from neighbouring States, with superior tactics and larger stockpiles of arms, quickly decimated the Marxist challenge. Demonstratively brutal murders and the display of corpses for days on end, the militant mobilisation of significant segments of otherwise pacific and compliant populations, the systematic intimidation and elimination of all opposition, and daily displays of lawless force – including the ritual demolition of the offices and homes of Marxist leaders – in the glare of an entranced national media, created the spectacle of an apparently uncontrollable meltdown. Local command over the Maoist operation was exercised by ‘Bikash’ – who State sources insist is none other than Sasadhar Mahato, the chief architect of the Salboni blast – while Koteshwar Rao aka Kishanji, a CPI-Maoist Politbureau Member and the leader of military operations in the Orissa, Jharkhand, West Bengal region, took progressive overall charge of the campaign. The more significant acts of violence by the Maoists in this phase included:
February 2, 2009: Three villagers were killed and three others injured in firing that took place at Khasjangal in the afternoon after a procession carrying the body of slain CPI-M leader Nandalal Pal was stopped by members of the PCPA.
April 21-23, 2009: Five CPI-M workers killed in separate incidents by Maoists.
April 30, 2009: Four persons were killed when Maoists triggered a landmine blast targeting a convoy of three vehicles ferrying Election Commission (EC) personnel after polling at Jamboni.
June 3, 2009: Three Policemen were killed and two others injured when a group of 15 Maoists cadres ambushed a Police patrol party at Piralgiri in the Bankura District.
June 6, 2009: Jayanta Mahato, a leader of the ruling CPI-M was killed by Maoists at Dirghosa forest in the Salboni area. Earlier, on June 2, Maoists had announced at a meeting that Mahato would be killed. In a separate incident in the same District, Maoists allegedly killed two CPI-M supporters at Gajgiri on June 4.
June 14, 2009: Three CPI-M workers and one supporter of the PCPA were killed in a gunbattle between the two warring groups in Lalgarh. Nine others were missing and are believed to have met with the same fate. Two bodies were recovered later.
June 17, 2009: A local leader and two activists of the ruling CPI-M were killed by the Maoists at Banksole in the Jhargram area.
Eventually, national media exposure and direct prodding by the Union Home Minister forced Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya to take belated action. Backed by Central Paramilitary Forces, the State Police began a gradual and systematic process to recover the abandoned territories. Unlike Police action at Nandigram, which inclined towards excess and lack of discrimination, what has been witnessed in Lalgarh is narrowly targeted and condign use of force. Despite all talk of ‘war zones’ and ‘liberated areas’, there has been negligible effective opposition – demonstrating beyond doubt that it was not the Maoists who ‘captured’ Lalgarh, but the state that deserted its people. Within 24 hours of the initiation of the operations, Police and PMF personnel had restored control over the Lalgarh Police Station, and were systematically moving forward across the entire affected area.
Difficulties remain, of course, with much of the area mined by the Maoists, and passing through dense forests. The Maoists have also given a call for a strike across five contiguous states – Bihar, Jharkhand, Orissa, West Bengal and Chhattisgarh – and some trouble can certainly be anticipated. Nevertheless, Koteshwar Rao, who was threatening murder and political assassination just a few days ago, is now suing for peace and putting out appeals for a suspension of Police operations and for talks with the State Government.
Despite the imminent recovery of the entire Lalgarh area, it is crucial to recognize that the Maoist campaign there has largely served its purpose. As in Singur and Nandigram, the only force that is consolidating through these disruptive processes and confrontational politics is the Maoists. The TC appears to have been entirely blinded by its visceral hatred of the Marxists. In its impatience to capture the State Government, the TC leadership appears willing to sup with the very Devil – which is precisely what the party has done repeatedly. But the Devil serves a poisoned chalice and the TC will pay a heavy price for its perfidy for years to come. The TC has sought to mask itself behind a blurring of political identities in Lalgarh, but this can hardly disguise the reality that Mamta Bannerjee has operated in a loose pact with the Maoists since the very launch of her obstructive campaigns in Singur and Nandigram.
As for the Marxists, they appear to be trapped in inescapable contradictions, with a leadership weakened both at the Centre and in West Bengal, but most crucially, in morale and mind. It is not yet clear whether this eviscerated leadership and the exhausted ideology that once inspired it, have the surviving capacity to make an objective assessment of the Maoist threat and purpose; but if, indeed, they have, the experience in Lalgarh has all the lessons to craft an effective, wider and enduring policy of response.
Weekly Fatalities: Major Conflicts in South Asia
June 15-21, 2009
12 soldiers and seven Maoists killed in Chhattisgarh: Cadres of the Communist Party of India – Maoist (CPI-Maoist) blew up a truck carrying over 40 Security Force (SF) personnel in the Bastar region of Chhattisgarh late in the evening on June 20, 2009 killing 12 troopers and injuring an equal number. Seven Maoists were also killed by the SFs. The blast occurred in a thickly forested stretch of the Tongapal area in Dantewada District, some 500 kilometres south of capital Raipur, when a search squad of the para-military Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and District Force (DF) was on its way back to the base camp. Maoists also fired at the ambushed patrol, but the troopers retaliated, killing seven insurgents. Hindustan Times, June 21, 2009.
Nine Policemen killed in landmine explosion in Orissa: Nine Policemen, including eight belonging to the Orissa Special Security Force and one belonging to the Orissa State Armed Police, were killed when a landmine triggered by cadres of the Communist party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) struck their convoy near Palur village in Koraput District on June 18, 2009. The Policemen were meant to cover the Orissa Disaster Rapid Action Force (ODRAF) personnel proceeding towards Palur to clear trees felled on the roads by the Maoists. Times of India, June 19, 2009.
Suspected Black Widow militants kill 12 civilians in Assam: Suspected Black Widow (BW) militants shot dead 12 persons and set ablaze 20 houses in an attack at Michidui village under Haflong Police Station of North Cachar Hills District in the morning of June 16, 2009. Police sources said a group of armed militants attacked Michidui and opened indiscriminate fire, killing 12 persons, including eight minors, on the spot. Two other persons were also injured in the attack. Police said the village, inhabited by Zeme Naga people, was abandoned following recent incidents of ethnic clashes and the villagers had taken shelter near a camp of the Assam Rifles camp located around three kilometres away. More recently, the villagers had started going back to the village during the day time for cultivation, and the militants reportedly took advantage of the situation to attack them. Assam Tribune, June 17, 2009.
No proof of link between Maoists in India and Nepal, says Indian Foreign Secretary: India’s Foreign Secretary Shivshankar Menon on June 21, 2009, said the Government doesn't have any proof to link the Maoists in Nepal with those in India. Menon, who is on a two-day official visit to Nepal, said "we don't have any proof to find a link between India's Maoists and the Nepalese Maoists." He was reportedly responding to a question on whether there was any link between Maoists in Nepal and India. The Hindu, June 21, 2009.
158 militants and nine soldiers killed in NWFP during the week: Security Forces (SFs) on June 21, 2009, claimed to have killed seven Taliban militants in various parts of Swat District, even as thousands of internally displaced families were awaiting the Government’s call for return to their native villages.
The SFs killed six militants and suffered four casualties, besides injuries to eight others, in parts of the Swat Valley on June 20. The ISPR said militants attacked positions of the SFs in Shahdand Banda, Dewlai and Totano Banda. Further, seven suspected militants were killed in a clash with a Lashkar (the village militia) in Patrak area of Upper Dir District late in the night of June 20. In addition, five Taliban militants were killed and two soldiers were wounded in the neighbouring Dir Lower District.
On June 19, 11 Taliban militants were killed in the Doog Darra area of Dir Upper District by armed villagers and artillery shelling by the SFs as the militants started fleeing the area after giving up resistance. The armed villagers have reportedly ringed the Taliban militants, led by Afghan commander Amir Khitab, since June 6, in the mountains of Doog Darra. Separately, SFs said on June 19 that they had killed four Taliban militants and arrested two in the ongoing operation in Malakand.
SFs on June 18 killed 34 Taliban militants in the Swat and Dir Upper Districts, while seven others were arrested, the ISPR said. The troops are reported to have secured the area around Bridge-II, Kabal and Kotlai. During clashes in these areas, the ISPR said 12 militants were killed while five soldiers sustained injuries. Further, six militants were killed in the Totano Banda area of Kabal during an operation launched for the consolidation of SF positions. In the Shamozai area of Swat Valley, the troops commenced an operation for clearing the area and killed 10 Taliban militants. According to the ISPR, 28 militants were killed in the Swat Valley on June 18.
While armed villagers in the Dir Upper District on June 17 killed six holed up Taliban militants in the Doog Darra area, the Army claimed to have killed another 22 militants in the adjacent Dir Lower and Swat Districts during the ongoing Operation Rah-e-Rast.
On June 16, SFs killed 11 militants while targeting Taliban hideouts in the Kulaldherai, Galgut, Hayaserai and Kas Laghrai areas of Dir Lower District. In addition, Shah Sultan, who was an expert in making suicide jackets, was killed in the Charbagh area of Swat District. Separately, two Policemen were killed and three injured late on June 15 when Taliban militants attacked a Police check-post in Mardan.
In the Jani Khel area of Bannu District, Taliban fired rockets at a Police Station and an Airport early on June 15. "Seven Taliban were killed in the retaliatory attack," said Zahinuddin, a local Police official. Further, two guards of the nephew of veteran politician Afzal Khan Lala were killed in Swat Valley. Separately, the ISPR said five Taliban militants were killed in retaliation after they attacked a local Lashkar (militia) in the Dir District. It said another militant was killed when Police fired at a car that refused to stop at a check-post. "The car exploded, as it was primed for a suicide attack," it added. In addition, 14 militants were reportedly killed in the Dir Lower and Upper Districts on June 15. Sources said nine militants were killed in Dir Lower and five in Dir Upper, respectively. They said a soldier was also killed and five others injured in an encounter. Dawn; Daily Times; The News, June 16-22, 2009.
155 militants and nine soldiers among 175 persons killed during the week in FATA: 12 militants were killed and seven others sustained injuries when helicopter gunships and fighter planes targeted their suspected hideouts in different areas of South Waziristan Agency, while 27 militants died in the military operation in Bajaur Agency on June 21.
On June 20, at least 22 militants and six soldiers were reportedly killed in a daylong military action against the Baitullah Mehsud-led Taliban in South Waziristan as the troops cleared a portion of the Wana-Jandola Road. Separately, a soldier was killed and another sustained injuries when militants attacked a Security Forces check-post in the Had Kor area in Ambar sub-division of Mohmand Agency. In the retaliatory actions, Security Forces targeted suspected Taliban hideouts, killing three militants.
At least 15 Taliban militants, including two key ‘commanders’, were killed by the SFs during a counter-insurgency operation at Charmang area of Bajaur Agency on June 20. The SFs also destroyed four hideouts of the Taliban during the operation which was carried out after Taliban militants blew up two boys’ schools and a college in Bajaur on June 19.
Amid reports of NATO’s assistance in a military offensive against the Baitullah Mehsud-led Taliban, Pakistani warplanes and helicopter gunships, on June 19, continued targeting suspected hideouts of the militants in South Waziristan Agency, killing six militants. Sources told The News that two jet fighters of the Pakistan Air Force and two Pakistan Army helicopter gunships bombed suspected hideouts of the TTP chief Baitullah Mehsud in Barwand, Madejan, Serwakai and adjoining areas. Further, the SFs, on June 19, killed 15 militants and injured seven others in a shootout in the Charmang area of Bajaur Agency. Sources said the militants attacked a patrol party of the SFs near the Pakistan-Afghanistan border in the Charmang area of Nawagai sub-division, killing two soldiers and injuring three others. In Mohmand Agency, a civilian was killed as SFs shelled the suspected hideouts of the militants in Yarakhel Babazai area.
Suspected US drone strikes on June 18 killed approximately 12 Taliban militants in South Waziristan. The drone targeted the suspected hideout of Taliban commander Malang some 18 kilometres northwest of Wana, said unnamed officials. Malang was a subordinate of Wazir Taliban leader Maulvi Nazir, they added. "Four missiles were fired at the hideout, where Taliban were believed to be training new recruits," local tribal sources told Daily Times. "The attack was staged in two parts: An initial drone strike killed two Taliban. Then, when people converged on the site, three more missiles were fired, resulting in the deaths of 10 more people," they said. Separately, three women were killed and four children injured when mortar shells hit their houses in the Aman Kot and Cheenari areas of Mohmand Agency on June 18. In addition, the Taliban on June 18 killed two locals in Mir Ali subdivision of North Waziristan, 24 kilometres east of Miranshah, for allegedly spying for the US. The body of Sher Nawab, a resident of Peshawar, was found on the Bannu-Miranshah Road near Shahab Flour Mills, while the body of Muhammad Nawaz, a resident of Miranshah, was found near Lakar Mandi in Mir Ali. Notes found near the bodies warned that anyone caught spying for the US would meet the same fate.
An artillery shell fired by the SFs struck a house in the Koz Chinari area of Mohmand Agency killing two women and injuring four children on June 17.
The SFs on June 16 shelled positions of the militants in the Charmang area of Nawagai sub-division with artillery from Khar, headquarters of the Bajaur Agency, Loisam and Tank Khatta camps, destroying several suspected hideouts in the area. An important foreign commander, known as Goraila, and three local militants were killed in the action. SFs cleared the area of the militants and took control of the key locations in Charmang, a militant stronghold. Separately, three persons were killed and four others sustained injuries in sectarian clashes between two groups in the Kurram Agency.
In Mohmand Agency, 29 Taliban militants were killed and 25 injured, when the SFs targeted their hideouts with jet planes and helicopter gunships. In Bajaur, eight militants, including a commander, were killed, a security official in Khar told AFP. Dawn; Daily Times; The News, June 16-22, 2009.
42 operational terror camps in Pakistan and PoK, indicates Indian intelligence: There are 42 terror-training camps directed against India operating in Pakistan and Pakistan occupied Kashmir (PoK), Times of India reported. The latest assessment of the Multi-Agency Centre (MAC), the nodal agency for all terror-related intelligence under the Union Home Ministry in New Delhi, holds that there are 34 ‘active’ and eight ‘holding’ camps operational across the border. Both Pakistan/Northern Areas and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir have 17 ‘active' and four ‘holding or dormant’ camps each, says the MAC assessment, based on inputs from various security agencies. "It is estimated that around 2,200 militants are housed in these camps. After 26/11, many of these camps emptied out or relocated. Some are back to their original status now, while new ones have also come up,'' said an unnamed official. Times of India, June 19, 2009.