Pakistan Media
December 15, 2001 |
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December 14, 2001 |
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December 10, 2001 |
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December 9, 2001 |
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December 7, 2001 |
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November 28, 2001 |
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November 24, 2001 |
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November 19, 2001 |
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November 18, 2001 |
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November 16, 2001 |
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November 15, 2001 |
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November 14, 2001 |
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November 12, 2001 |
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November 8, 2001 |
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November 7, 2001 |
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November 4, 2001 |
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November 2, 2001 |
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November 1, 2001 |
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October 30, 2001 |
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October 28, 2001 |
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October 22, 2001 |
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October 20, 2001 |
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October 19, 2001 |
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October 18, 2001 |
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October 16, 2001 |
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October 15, 2001 |
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October 13, 2001 |
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October 12, 2001 |
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October 11, 2001 |
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October 10, 2001 |
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October 9, 2001 |
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October
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October
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October
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September
30, 2001 |
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September
29, 2001 |
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September
28, 2001 |
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September
27, 2001 |
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September
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September
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September
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September
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September
14, 2001 |
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September
12, 2001 |
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For the second time
in three days surrender talks between the anti-Taliban forces and the
so-called Al-Qaeda fighters holed up in the Tora Bora mountains have
broken down and the US warplanes have recommenced bombing their hideouts.
The only pre-condition for surrender was the presence of UN representatives
or the diplomats of the countries to which these fighters belong. Considering
the terrible fate that overtook those who had surrendered in Kabul and
then Kunduz and were transported to Qala-e-Jangi, it is hardly surprising
that the Tora Bora fighters are not keen to give themselves up to their
opponents, Afghan or American. It is not clear, therefore, why UN presence
could not be arranged to facilitate the surrender and avoid another
bloodbath.
This is particularly surprising since
the US Secretary of Defence, Donald Rumsfeld, has now given indications
of accepting the handing over of foreign fighters in Afghanistan to
their respective countries under the guarantee of a trial and befitting
punishments. Rumsfeld even indicated that he was interested in capture
of these fighters to interrogate them. The US is more interested in
catching the big fish, an endeavour in which it has not so far achieved
any major success. Consequently, speculation in the media is mounting
about the whereabouts of the Al-Qaeda leaders, including Osama Bin Laden.
There has been far too much human suffering
in Afghanistan already and the sooner the unequal military campaign
is brought to a close the better it will be for the US-led coalition,
Afghanistan's neighbours, the traumatized public opinion in the Muslim
world, the relief-agencies and, above all, the wobbly interim Afghan
administration which is scheduled to takeover in a week's time. Crafting
a modus operandi to encourage the surrender of the Al-Qaeda fighters
and the humane management and final disposal of all prisoners taken
by the anti-Taliban forces would be a big step towards bringing the
hostilities to a close and, ultimately, restoring order in Afghanistan.
It should also allow the US to concentrate on locating the elusive Al-Qaeda
leadership. It ought, therefore, to be a priority issue.
The obvious way forward seems to be
for the UN to take the lead in supervising the surrender and assuring
the fighters that they will not be massacred. The US-UK would need to
provide logistical support for holding the prisoners until they are
identified and categorised and, finally, their respective countries
will need to take steps to obtain their custody for a final disposal.
Unfortunately, no move in this direction is evident and the US seems
content to go back to bombing. The UN as well as the countries whose
fighters are said to be involved, appear also to have abdicated the
initiative to the US. The onus for providing the lead, therefore, shifts
to the US which needs to follow up its recently expressed consent to
the transfer of these fighters to their home countries with concrete
steps to that end. Otherwise, the world may soon hear of another horrific
bloodbath.
-- Editorial,
The News, Islamabad, December 15, 2001
The slaying of 37
fleeing Arab fighters by anti-Taliban tribal forces south of Kandahar
adds yet another gory chapter to the litany of war crimes in Afghanistan.
Travelling in a convoy with their wives and children, the fighters were
waylaid by anti-Taliban forces. The men were singled out and shot dead
in front of their wives and children.
The surrender of Kandahar was negotiated
by none other than Hamid Karzai, the chief of the interim authority,
and one would have thought that some semblance of order would have been
in place by now. This does not seem to be the case. If the new administration
is serious about gaining the trust of the Afghan people and if it wants
to present itself as a unifying authority, then it must ensure the rule
of law. Mr Karzai must unequivocally speak out against such atrocities
and his forces should try to apprehend and punish those who murdered
those 37 men.
- Editorial, Dawn, December 15, 2001
Except for the core
troika in the Northern Alliance represented by Mr Abdullah Abdullah
(foreign minister), Mr Younas Qanooni (interior minister) and General
Mohammad Fahim (defense minister), no one in Afghanistan is particularly
pleased with the power-sharing formula hammered out in Bonn. The "troika"
has hogged all the important posts and is now manipulating internal
and external policies with a view to influencing the Loya Jirga when
it meets six months down the line to construct a longer-term government.
Forget about the majority Pakhtuns who have been given no more than
a token representation in the form of the prime minister, Hamid Karzai.
Even old NA allies like the Uzbek warlord, General Rashid Dostum, in
the north and the former president of Afghanistan, Burhanuddin Rabbani,
are grumbling.
It is, of course, the fate of the Afghan
Pakhtuns that concerns Pakistan for many reasons. The Pakhtun south
is predictably split. If that seems to be an unfortunate Pakhtun characteristic,
the contrast in the political behaviour of the other ethnic communities
of Afghanistan is quite remarkable. In the old days when everyone was
fighting the Russians, the Uzbeks stuck together and General Dostam
was able to sway all incoming governments in his favour with his 40,000
strong army. He was available to the communists of the PDPA for "use".
Then President Mujaddidi made him his own top general. The Tajiks also
stuck together and created the second largest army of Afghanistan under
commander Ahmad Shah Massoud. In contrast, the majority Pakhtuns tended
to split into separate parties and behaved as if their Pakhtun identity
did not really matter. Although this characteristic made them amenable
to their ISI and CIA "handlers", this kind of divide and rule
strategy yielded no permanent loyalties and everyone knew that everyone
was in the game for his own dirty purpose. Indeed, Pakistan may have
played it domestically as a holy jehad but it was a cruel dog-eat-dog
game on the ground. Therefore when the Taliban entered the arena and
united the Pakhtuns in 1996, the situation gradually slipped out of
Pakistan’s control and the tail began to wag the dog. Over the years,
the heady feeling that Pakistan finally had Afghanistan as its own backyard
while no other country could even sustain an embassy in Kabul became
a soporific that closed Islamabad’s eyes to the future.
If the fear of a "Pakhtun split"
once again is real, nothing else on the ground is what it was when Pakistan
went in with the Taliban and thought it had the field to itself. All
the foreign embassies are soon going to be back in Kabul. The UN is
going to be more influential than in the past as Bonn has demonstrated
and its clout will be felt just as soon as British, European and Turkish
"boots are on ground". Above all, a lot of international money
is going to be spread around, not so much through the biased parties
in the Kabul interim government as through international agencies that
are likely to concentrate on humanitarianism and social development
rather that politics. The hope is that as this money is funnelled to
the grassroots, it might lessen the intensity of the potential Pakhtun
splits in the south of Afghanistan. In the event, this would contrast
sharply with what happened to the money when it was given to the ISI
for distribution among the mujahideen during the war against the Soviets.
Pakistan’s bugbear in Afghanistan has
been India. But that policy of seeing red every time any Afghan is seen
shaking hands with the Indians must be given up and a new non-ISI policy
initiated to work on the emerging Tajik leadership on the basis of the
transit trade facility that Pakistan can always use as leverage. India
will remain marginal even after the end of the war. Its entry in the
Afghan arena was a kind of tit-for-tat for the flanking move the ISI
was making in Bangladesh, a flawed policy based on the assumption that
Mrs Hasina Wajed was pro-India. In fact, India’s role in the new Afghanistan
is bound to subside as Kabul will be inclined to act more and more in
light of the advice offered by those who fund it. The biggest counter
in Pakistan’s favour and against India is that India has exclusively
backed the Tajiks while the stage must inevitably be set for the Pakhtun
majority to reassert itself through the Loya Jirga next year.
Ironically enough, the fact that Afghanistan
has gotten out of Pakistan’s stranglehold should go in favour of Pakistan.
A large number of countries contributing to the reconstruction of Afghanistan
should prevent it from becoming a battle-field for India and Pakistan.
Therefore the sooner Pakistan recognises this reality, the better. It
is the consolidation of internal rather than external control that should
matter to us. A policy shaped passively on the belligerence of Islamic
extremists posing as friends of the Pakhtuns in Afghanistan is a bad
policy. India’s undue interference in Afghanistan can best be countered
by aligning with the international community whose clout will be focused
on keeping Afghanistan away from fundamentalist terrorism.
-- Editorial,
The Friday Times, Lahore, December 14
Kandahar fiefdoms
The newly ‘liberated’ city of Kandahar
has been divided into fiefdoms by local rival Pushtun commanders.
Gul Agha Sherzai, a former governor
of the city, is in control of the Governor’s House and city hall.
Mulla Naqibullah has taken a cantonment
to the north of the city containing major military installations, including
the residual Taliban arsenal with tanks and heavy weapons.
Haji Bashar, another local influential,
has command of the police and city security facilities.
Factional clashes have taken place,
apart from firefights with the remaining armed Taliban in the city.
This tense and dangerous situation reflects
the vacuum of power created by the surrender of the Taliban in Kandahar.
The surrender, however, has gone far
from smoothly.
Hamid Karzai, the head of the new interim
administration, agreed that Naqibullah should take the surrender.
But this annoyed other factions, which
has led to criticism of Karzai’s handling of his first major test in
managing a post-Taliban dispensation.The only hopeful sign so far is
that the rival factions have decided to set up a Shura to try and resolve
their differences.
The Shura includes Karzai who is expected
to enter the city soon to participate in its deliberations.
If the Pushtuns of Afghanistan want
their claims to being adequately represented in the new government to
be taken seriously, they will have to demonstrate unity, cohesion and
maturity to handle the myriads of problems still being faced by the
country and its long suffering people.
It is for the sake of that suffering
alone that the different factions will have to modify their ambitions
to control ‘their’ territory in favour of power sharing arrangements
arrived at through mutual consultations.
The track record of these mujahideen
organisations in coming to grips with their country’s needs at various
critical junctures does not inspire confidence that they have the ability
and understanding to abandon attempts to unilaterally impose their preferences
and wishes on all other parties.
Lacking the sense to compromise for
the greater good of their ravaged country in the past, the local Pushtun
commanders will have to make an extraordinary departure from their history
to allow the new order to take shape.
If they fail, the will of the international
coalition may well deprive them of even their legitimate share in power.
Karzai has to play a mediatory role
and conduct a sensitive balancing act to get these recalcitrant and
undisciplined elements on board, if the Pushtun south is to have any
chance of negotiating its way into the process of institution building
which is about to begin from December 22, when the interim administration
is scheduled to take over in Kabul.
Amidst the chaos and confusion that
has attended the takeover of Kandahar from the Taliban, large numbers
of their fighters, instead of surrendering, fled the city with their
weapons.
These fleeing forces have been roundly
attacked by the US forces from the air as well as on the ground.
The marines based outside Kandahar have
seen such action for the first time since their deployment.
The confusion surrounding the city and
its environs includes rumour and counter-rumour about Mulla Omar’s whereabouts.
Some reports say he is still in Kandahar
in the ‘safe’ custody of Khalid Pushtoon, another local commander.
Other reports confidently assert he
has fled the city before its surrender and taken off in an unknown direction,
possibly the mountains of his home province of Uruzgan.
Karzai continues to repeat his instructions
to his forces to seek out and arrest Mulla Omar.
Perhaps this situation will be cleared
up once the local commanders sort out their own differences and concentrate
instead on the task of clearing the city of the remnants of the Taliban.
That cleaning up exercise itself could
give some leads as to Mulla Omar’s location.If and when he is captured,
in the interest of peace and reconciliation so badly needed in Afghanistan,
he must be safely kept in custody in anticipation of being brought to
trial, perhaps in an international court of law.
No rough justice can be allowed to continue
in a country torn apart by civil war and the vendettas it has spawned.
In the new Afghanistan, no matter how
heinous or serious the crime, every citizen must be assured of due process
and the safeguarding of his right to a defence.
Let the new rulers of Afghanistan set
an example for their country’s entry into the civilised comity of nations.
-- Editorial,
Frontier Post, Karachi, December 10, 2001
With Friday's surrender
at Kandahar, the Taliban's five-year rule in Afghanistan has passed
into history. The surrender at Kandahar, Helmand and Zabul was merely
a formality, for the Taliban rule had all but come to an end in most
of Afghanistan in the second week of November when Mazar-i-Sharif, Herat
and Kabul fell in rapid succession.
Since then, what had been going on in
south-eastern Afghanistan was merely a tortuous prolongation of an avoidable
agony for Afghan men, women and children caught in crossfire or falling
victim to American bombing by the hundreds. Full credit goes to Hamid
Karzai, the chosen head of the new Afghan administration, for securing
the surrender.
His presence in the battle zone testifies
to his courage and sagacity. He and his associates were instrumental
in making the Taliban realize that further resistance would merely mean
unnecessary bloodshed, for their fate was sealed. That Mulla Omar and
other top Taliban commanders were able to realize this truth deserves
to be acknowledged. One wishes they had displayed this wisdom much earlier.
There are lots of lessons one can draw
from the Taliban's spectacular rise to power and their equally dramatic
collapse. There is no doubt they gave a measure of peace to Afghanistan
after defeating the anti-Soviet mujahideen, who had thrown the country
into a debilitating civil war. However, what alienated them from the
world and from their own people was their narrow and obscurantist interpretation
of Islam.
Compassion - which is a cardinal principle
of Islam - was ignored by them as reflected in the harshness with which
they enforced the penal code of Islamic law. Women were treated with
special cruelty: they were denied the right to education and work, and
in some cases were hit in feet and hands for using nail polish. Besides,
all avenues of legitimate entertainment were banned.
Their philosophy had no concept of ethnic
and cultural plurality, and their narrow horizons were incapable of
visualizing, much less giving, Afghanistan the apparatus of a modern
state even in a most rudimentary form. That all this was done in the
name of Islam served only to cast Islam itself in a bad light throughout
the world.
No wonder barring three countries, including
Pakistan, the entire Muslim world turned its back on them. More important,
they did nothing to improve their people's lot, to build schools, hospitals
and roads or to improve agriculture. Instead, most of their energy was
spent on "jihad" against fellow Muslims. The scenes of joy witnessed
by millions throughout the world testified to the relief the common
man felt over the end of the Taliban's repressive regime.
The Taliban's fate also holds some lessons
for Pakistan. While Islamabad has every right to see a friendly government
in Kabul, interference in that country's internal affairs has cost Pakistan
dearly. By relying - in fact, patronizing - one section of Afghanistan's
population, Islamabad earned the ire of the other ethnic and political
groups.
Worse, by arming the Taliban and letting
them open and run recruiting and training centres in Pakistan, Islamabad
helped create Frankenstein's monster. Undoubtedly, religious militancy
in Pakistan drew sustenance from the fact that the Taliban were in power
in Afghanistan. Gradually, religious parties with armed militias became
a state within state and defied Islamabad's authority with contempt.
Now that a new Afghanistan could come
into being, Pakistan should extend a helping hand to the new regime
- as already pledged by President Musharraf. What Afghanistan needs
is lasting peace, internal reconciliation and an era of economic reconstruction.
Pakistan and all of Afghanistan's neighbours should help in this.
Yunis Qanooni's highly provocative statement
in New Delhi and such other irritants should be ignored by Pakistan
in the larger interest of peace in Afghanistan and the region. Instead,
Islamabad should coordinate its effort with its friends in the US-led
coalition to ensure that the new Afghanistan has a government that is
truly neutral and friendly.
- Editorial, Dawn, December 9, 2001
Accord
at last
After nine days of exhausting
discussions, the four Afghan groups at the Bonn conference arrived at
an accord for the future setup in their country.
The agreement stipulates
the taking over of power in Kabul on December 22 by an interim administration
for six months, to be followed by the convening of an Emergency Loya
Jirga, which will appoint a transitional government for 18 months, after
which elections will be held.The deal gives the Northern Alliance three
key ministries amongst others in the 30-member cabinet, i.e.
Defence, Interior, and
Foreign Affairs.
The current incumbents
on these posts, General Fahim, Younus Qanooni, and Abdullah Abdullah
respectively will continue to hold office.
The interim administration
will be led by a chairman, Hamid Karzai, a gesture towards finding the
right ethnic balance, Karzai being a Pushtun who is close to the ex-king
Zahir Shah and also enjoys the confidence of all the factions at Bonn.
The cabinet includes two
women, one of whom has been appointed one of the five vice chairpersons
empowered to take cabinet meetings and represent the administration
in the absence of the chairman.
Zahir Shah has been given
the symbolic role of chairing the Loya Jirga.
A UN Security Council-mandated
international security force will be deployed in and around Kabul and
other urban centres if required (Kandahar after its fall comes to mind
as the next possible location for such a force).
The size, composition and
deployment of the force will be decided by the Afghans themselves.
British troop deployment
has been turned down, having become redundant after the accord in any
case.
The international security
force will probably remain deployed until Afghan security forces and
a new national army are brought into existence.
Lakhdar Brahimi, the Special
Representative of the UN Secretary General, admitted in his speech at
Bonn that the accord was far from perfect, since the signatories were
not fully representative of the Afghan polity.
But perhaps this was the
best that could be achieved under the circumstances.
Professor Rabbani seems
to have been sidelined, although he may find a role in the bodies to
follow the setting up of the cabinet.
Pushtun representation,
although taken account of, remains to be adequately provided for.
The agreement was considered
crucial for getting billions of dollars of potential reconstruction
aid for the country.
Positive signals have been
put out by the new chairman Hamid Karzai as well as President General
Pervez Musharraf to turn over a new leaf in cordial relations and cooperation
between Pakistan and the new dispensation in Afghanistan.
The history of acrimonious
relations between Pakistan and the Northern Alliance should now pass
into history along with whatever remains of the Taliban.
Karzai has indicated he
would be amenable to offering amnesty to any Taliban fighters who lay
down their weapons.
This has particular resonance
for the fate of the siege of Kandahar, where reports of contacts between
Karzai’s forces and the defending Taliban garrison, apparently with
Mulla Omar’s blessings, are being received.
This does not, it seems,
sit well with the Americans who have expressed their unhappiness at
the idea of an amnesty to any of the Taliban.
The text of the accord
speaks of it being the first step towards the establishment of a broad-based,
gender-sensitive, multi-ethnic, fully representative government.
That implies that there
will be room for filling in the Pushtun representation to a satisfactory
level in future steps.
The Special Independent
Commission of 21 members being set up within one month to convene the
Emergency Loya Jirga will be composed of people conversant with international
law and traditional practice in Afghanistan.
The accord restores the
1964 Afghan constitution, subject to compatibility with the provisions
of the accord itself.
A Supreme Court will be
established, and the judicial system put back in place.
An Independent Human Rights
Commission will oversee human rights norms and investigate and set up
mechanisms to deal with violations.
Although there may well
be many a slip yet, given the considerable difficulties still attending
the setting up of a unified administrative system in war-torn Afghanistan,
the Bonn accord represents a good beginning.
The UN’s success in bringing
about this consensus, with hindsight, only became possible after the
overthrow of the antediluvian rule of the Taliban.
Afghanistan now has a good
chance to emerge into the light of day in the 21st century.
- Editorial, The Frontier Post, Karachi,
December 7
The US marines have
finally landed at a place near Kandahar to ensure they get a taste of
actual action without much loss of life before it ends. One could never
be too sure after Vietnam. In any case an American 'fought' war without
the Marines would have been a travesty of history. But this time the
game was different. With Afghanistan being a land-locked country, their
traditional beachhead was left hundreds of miles to the south and they
had to do with a landing by air in an already badly battered country
and occupy a remote airstrip. The initial force quickly built up to
1200.
The Marines were originally expected
to join the conflict, but it was never clear when or in what capacity.
Bush administration had never committed itself on an exact role for
the US armed forces till the very end and whatever American participation
there was, involved special services personnel. Even at present it is
not known what the Marines will do because it seems unlikely that they
will join in the final assault on Kandahar and suffer heavy casualties,
President Bush's declaration that Americans are ready to accept losses
notwithstanding. The Northern Alliance had to pay a price after they
failed to negotiate an end. There are suggestions that the Marines will
help in catching the two most wanted men and Al Qaeda operatives and
whatever other persons there are on US list.
But, even running a dragnet along Pakistan
border and combing the countryside will be a temporary task which again
does not quite answer the question for the Marines' deployment. Their
prolonged presence, even if it is meant to provide logistics support
for whatever stabilising force is put into place will be a source of
concern for the neighbouring states. They could become handy targets
for ambitious Afghan political groups to rouse popular emotions. Foreign
occupation armies always incite anger, hostility and extremism among
locals. More so for the Americans who carry an exceptionally heavy baggage
of global animosity. For Pakistan any sort of disturbance across the
border in a country still to stabilise will be pregnant with danger.
With a large number of Afghan refugees who are unlikely to go back for
a long time, there could well be forays across the 'porous' border with
dire consequences for Islamabad.
A UN peace force will be a better option
to maintain law and order in the country till the Afghans are able to
manage their own affairs. The Marines could not possibly contribute
much in bringing political stability to Afghanistan without opening
a Pandora's box. Their role would end when the last of the troublemakers
was rounded up. They should then hand over their duties to the Blue
Berets.
-- Editorial, The News, November
28, 2001
While one hopes that
the post-Taliban government in Afghanistan will be friendly towards
Pakistan, it is difficult to share President Pervez Musharraf's optimism
on this score. In his interview with PTV on Monday night, the president
said he was not unduly worried over the existence of a Northern Alliance
government in Kabul at the moment, because "Pakistan has its own importance
with regard to Afghanistan." To a certain extent, one may agree with
the chief executive here, because the Northern Alliance government is
a temporary phenomenon.
Talks have already begun in Bonn, and
sooner or later Kabul will have a multi-ethnic and broad-based government
enjoying the confidence of all sections of Afghanistan's population.
In fact, the delegates to the Bonn conference have no choice but to
work out the modalities for the establishment of a broad-based government.
Without such a set-up, they know and the world knows, Afghanistan will
again relapse into a new era of anarchy and fratricide.
The big question is whether such a government
will be friendly towards Pakistan. The president thinks it will be,
but the logic he gives is too simplistic. Afghanistan is a landlocked
country, the president said, and thus "whatever government comes into
being in Afghanistan will be friendly towards Pakistan." History does
not bear this out.
Afghanistan has always been landlocked,
but there were quite a few governments in Kabul that were not only not
friendly towards Pakistan, they were quite hostile. Notwithstanding
the fact that all of Afghanistan's import and export trade goes through
Pakistan, Kabul has seldom taken this into account.
In fact, Afghanistan was the only country
that cast a negative vote on Pakistan's membership of the United Nations.
Side by side, in concert with Moscow and New Delhi, Kabul carried on
a virulent campaign against Pakistan on the Pakhtoonistan stunt.
Zahir Shah's overthrow made no difference
to the situation, because governments led by Dawood, Taraki, Hafizullah
Amin, Babrak Karmal, and Najibullah continued to maintain a highly inimical
posture towards Pakistan. Thus, to assume that the next government would
be friendly simply because Afghanistan is a landlocked country and dependent
upon Pakistan for essential supplies is to assume too much.
If Islamabad wants friendly relations
with Afghanistan, it should let the new government settle down and help
it clear the debris of war. Events have proved that Pakistan's policy
of getting involved too deeply in Afghanistan's internal matters has
backfired.
Relying too heavily on one faction to
the exclusion of the others was a short-sighted policy that in no way
advanced Pakistan's long-term interest of having a friendly government
in Afghanistan. The fall of the Taliban regime and the possibility of
a new broad-based government coming into being give Pakistan a chance
to start a new relationship with Afghanistan.
While Pakistan's desire to have a friendly
government in Kabul is quite legitimate, on no account should Islamabad
expect to have a puppet government there. By words and actions, Islamabad
should convince Kabul that it has no favourites in Afghanistan and that
it believes in a policy of mutual non-interference in each other's affairs.
At the same time, Pakistan should join the international community in
helping Afghanistan re-build itself. This would also make it possible
for the millions of Afghan refugees to go back home. Pakistan and Afghanistan
have so much in common. Both can benefit from peace and economic cooperation
if the two decide not to repeat mistakes.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, November 28, 2001
Even as the Afghan
war gradually reaches an end, and the element of regular US troops has
been added to the theatre, it continues to exact a high toll of human
life despite the assurances from the winning players that the vanquished
will not be harmed. Reports of US casualties have also surfaced, but
strongly denied, though in a war zone, casualties are nothing abnormal.
But the killing of hundreds of Taliban prisoners, which included a sizeable
number of foreign fighters, in a fort in Mazar-e-Sharif by Rashid Dostum's
forces, purportedly as the result of a revolt by the prisoners, shows
how fragile assurances can be. The full details of the clash from an
independent source are still not known which makes it difficult to knowledgeably
comment on the issue, but it appears that either the Uzbek soldiery
was trigger-happy or the prisoners made an error of judgment or it was
a mixture of both. The result is that hundreds died who did not deserve
such an end when they had already experienced the worst of the war and
surrendered. The death of a US special forces personnel in the mayhem
gives it a sinister twist that was least needed.
The fears that the Northern Alliance
and other fronts and groups besting the Taliban will indulge in reprisal
killing, particularly of the non-Afghan fighters, to avenge the treatment
they allegedly received under Taliban rule, had already been globally
voiced. The student militia's period was not without its bloody side
when not only human rights but human life itself was not respected.
The winners in the war blame the foreigners to a great measure for their
miseries and had already voiced their determination to subject them
to similar treatment. There have been incidents in the less publicised
segments of the conflict when the victors extracted full payment, in
kind, for what they had paid. Bamian was identified as the scene of
a massacre for the second time. The first time it happened when Taliban
occupied the area.
It was wrong to expect that this war
would be fought according to the rules of whatever conventions there
are on making a war more humane. War essentially is an application of
violence designed to kill people, not to merely deprive them of their
weapons. Prisoners are relative to the nature of the conflict, their
identity being established only by the successful side if it deems it
as such. When a battle is fought to the bitter then no prisoners are
expected to be taken, even if they are there. The sad truth is that
the Afghan war which was given a moral lamination by the United States
as a strike against terror, is being fought at the ground level with
a strong element of revenge. Mazar-i-Sharif was a reflection of that
spirit. Since more surrenders and more killings are almost inevitable,
it is imperative that the US and the UN send out a loud and clear message
to all the parties to keep the carnage at the bare minimum level.
-- Editorial, The News, November 27, 2001
A fog of confusion
still shrouds the mayhem at a fortress holding Taliban prisoners outside
Mazar-i-Sharif. According to conflicting reports, the number of prisoners
killed in the shootout on Sunday range between 100 and 700. The captives,
mainly foreign Taliban fighters, had surrendered to Northern Alliance
forces in Kunduz on Saturday following a prolonged siege of what was
the last Taliban-held city in northern Afghanistan.
According to Northern Alliance spokesmen,
the violence was sparked off by a riot at the fortress controlled by
local warlord Abdur Rashid Dostum. According to this version, the instigators
were the hard core Chechen, Arab, Uzbek and Pakistani fighters whom
the US views as the elite force of Osama bin Laden's al Qaeda network.
A fierce shoot-out took place when the
prisoners managed to disarm the guards and sieze weapons from them.
The Pentagon, however, claims that the prisoners had somehow managed
to smuggle weapons into the fortress. When the riot could not be quelled,
some reports say that US planes were called in to provide support to
the Alliance, and heavy bombardment of the prison compound followed.
In the ensuing chaos, a large number of prisoners are believed to have
died. According to unconfirmed reports, one US advisor was also killed
while directing the operation from the ground. Eyewitnesses claim that
a number of plain-clothed US personnel were present during the shootout.
After the dust settles on this gruesome
episode, a number of important questions are likely to be asked. One
fear being voiced is that the massacre may have been deliberately instigated
or allowed to go out of control, a charge that the Northern Alliance
strongly denies. While no direct evidence is available, the intense
hatred among the Alliance for the foreign fighters is more than obvious.
Senior US spokesmen have also maintained
that the foreign Taliban were legitimate targets because of their links
to al Qaeda. During the siege of Kunduz, it had become clear that the
foreign Taliban were not likely to be treated with the kind of magnanimity
displayed towards their Afghan counterparts. The foreign fighters expressed
reservations about surrendering to the Alliance because they feared
for their lives. Many foreigners had earlier been lynched or severely
beaten up following the withdrawal of the Taliban from city after city.
Bowing to international pressure, acting
president Burhanuddin Rabbani announced in Kabul that foreign Taliban
prisoners would not be harmed and would be handed over to the UN. However,
in the chaotic conditions prevailing in Afghanistan, what is decreed
in the capital need not automatically prevail in other parts of the
country held by different warlords.
The Pakistan government, already wary
about the intentions of the Alliance and under public pressure to press
for the release of its captured nationals, has strongly condemned the
massacre and stated that it contravenes UN Security Council resolutons
urging respect for the Geneva Convention. The Northern Alliance as well
as the US-led coalition must immediately launch an inquiry into the
terrible events in Mazar-i-Sharif if they want to restore the victors'
credibility in the eyes of the world. With the fall of the last Taliban
stronghold of Kandahar imminent, the authorities will have to move swiftly
to quell fears for the safety of the thousands of foreign fighters in
the city.
Editorial, Dawn, November 27, 2001
With the surrender of at least 2,000
of the Taliban garrison in Kunduz, including some 600 foreign fighters,
all but the spiritual capital of Kandahar has been lost to anti-Taliban
forces.
Some 2,500 Uzbek troops of General Rashid
Dostum are already inside the city, while 2,000 troops of the Tajik
forces under General Mohammad Daud east of the city will probably have
entered it by the time these lines appear in print.
There will be relief all round that
the threatened massacre has been avoided.
Ultimately, the combined air and ground
assault on their positions proved too much for the defenders of Kunduz
to withstand any longer.
Relief is also being felt at the prospect
of the foreign fighters in Kunduz being turned over to the UN, rather
than being ‘dealt’ with by the Northern Alliance forces themselves.
All in all, a satisfactory denouement
from all accounts.It must be conceded that the Northern Alliance leadership
has confounded all its critics by behaving extremely responsibly.
Their past record, which had been trotted
out repeatedly in recent days to underline the threat of a humanitarian
disaster in Kunduz, may have helped persuade them that this is not 1992.
They have managed to rise to the occasion
and shown unexpected political maturity.
This is a good omen for a new beginning
in Afghanistan.
Horrendous reports of mass graves of
massacred opposition fighters in areas held until recently by the Taliban
have been coming in.
In Mazar-e-Sharif, Herat (the Shindand
airbase) and elsewhere, a pattern of summary executions is discernible.
Many of the bodies showed sign of torture
before they were executed.
It is interesting that since the tide
of battle began to turn, a whole panoply of international humanitarian
and human rights organisations have been expressing concern about the
possibility of massacres by the Northern Alliance troops of captured
Taliban prisoners.
Remarkably, there has only been the
odd case, in Kabul after its fall for example.
The undeniable proof of Taliban mass
atrocities on the other hand, does raise questions about where these
keepers of the world’s conscience were when the Taliban were up to these
horrendous acts.
One wonders whether the perpetrators
of these crimes against humanity will ever be brought to book.
In the last remaining Taliban redoubt
of Kandahar, reports that Takhtapul on the Kandahar-Spin Boldak road
to the border with Pakistan has been taken by forces under a local tribal
chief have been strenuously denied by the Taliban.
In strategic terms, it is hardly of
any consequence.
The Taliban are clearly on their last
conventional military legs.
How much strength they have left to
resist in unconventional ways, remains to be seen.
As anticipated in these columns, heroin
has started flooding into the European (and perhaps other?) market through,
it is alleged, Pakistan.
If the Taliban are to have any chance
of fighting a protracted guerrilla war, given their internal and international
isolation, it was almost inevitable that they would restart the heroin
trade to finance their resistance.
Necessity, they say, is the mother of
invention.
In this case, it is rumoured that the
much vaunted ban on poppy cultivation by the Taliban when they were
in power, had less to do with a moral edict and more with the reported
glut in the international heroin market, which had caused the street
price to fall.
The Taliban are said to have enormous
stores of heroin, perhaps for just such ‘emergencies’.
One dead giveaway of their intent would
be if poppy cultivation emerges again in the countryside of Afghanistan,
most likely in the southern areas still nominally under their control.
This would be easy to detect by the
US’s technological intelligence gathering capacity.
Now that the Taliban rule is drawing
to a close, it is time to take stock of the human rights violations
by the fanatical Taliban regime.
If the perpetrators can be identified
and are in captivity, a mechanism to bring them to justice must be set
up under international supervision.
And if they intend to finance their
continuing resistance through the heroin trade, that only lends more
ammunition to their critics and throws them open to deserved retribution.
- Editorial, Frontier Post, November 26
The families of hundreds
of Pakistanis missing or trapped inside Afghanistan are understandably
worried about what is in store for their near and dear ones. In Kunduz
alone, according to reports, there are several hundred Pakistanis and
other foreigners, mostly Arabs, Chechens and some Indonesians.
While the Northern Alliance's warlords
have hinted at offering amnesty to the Afghan Taliban, they have not
shown the same degree of compassion towards the Taliban's foreign comrades.
Astonishing as it may appear, the Pakistan Foreign Office has done little
to stir itself on the matter.
Obviously, Islamabad has no line of
communication with the Alliance leadership. Which is a sad commentary
on its Afghan policy: its total support to Taliban in the latter part
of the last decade gave it enemy status with the Northern leadership.
For this reason, worried Pakistanis are using satellite telephones or
sometimes venturing to go into Afghanistan themselves to rescue, or
to know the fate of, their relations.
More important, the issue has domestic
political implications for Pakistan, since some tribal groups have hinted
that they would take non-Pakhtoon Afghan refugees hostage. This is a
grim scenario and could lead to a bloodbath if the Alliance leadership
shows recklessness in dealing with foreign volunteers, including Pakistanis.
Unfortunately, the US has not shown
the kind of responsibility that was expected of it. Perhaps, it would
be more fruitful if Pakistan got in touch with Tehran and Ankara because
of their contacts with the Northern leadership.
Understandably, Kofi Annan, too, has
not displayed any zeal to save the lives of non-Afghan Taliban because
of American indifference. It is time Pakistan informed all permanent
members of the Security Council of the gravity of the situation and
used its clout with Beijing and western capitals to avert a bloodbath.
-- Editorial, Dawn, November 25, 2001
THAT Professor Rabbani
and General Dostum have contacted President Musharraf is to be considered
a welcome development by all. Even more welcome is the assurance by
both that they do not want to establish a Northern Alliance administration
in Kabul, but were committed to a multi-ethnic and broad-based government.
That the initiative for establishing contact should have come from the
Alliance is a reflection on the mindset of Pakistan's Foreign Office,
which is characterized by lack of initiative and drive. It should now
avail itself of the opportunity to improve relations between the two
sides which have deteriorated seriously during the last six years.
That Pakistan has legitimate interests
in Afghanistan has been recognized by Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi also. This
requires Islamabad to enjoy at least some goodwill among all significant
Afghan political forces. Two factors have stood in the way so far. First
were the efforts made by certain countries jockeying for influence in
Kabul, particularly Russia and India, which have all along tried to
encourage anti-Pakistan sentiment among various political forces and
sections of Afghan society. Second came inflexibility and lack of imagination
on the part of our policymakers who have over the years put all their
eggs in one basket. One can only hope that both countries would be wiser
after having burnt their fingers. What is needed in the meanwhile is
a more dynamic approach by the Foreign Office. Of all outside parties,
Pakistan has the greatest interest in a stable government in its neighbourhood.
Whatever the outcome of the Bonn process, and whatever shape the Pushtoon
representation takes, Pakistan has to accept that Professor Rabbani
and General Dostum, no matter how devious the former, and how thuggish
the latter, will play leading roles in Afghanistan's immediate future.
Therefore, any improvement in relations with these two is sensible,
and also provides an opportunity to Pakistan to rectify its past Pushtoon
tilt. Pakistan will always have greater affinity to Pushtoons because
of the crossborder tribes, but that does not mean the other ethnicities
must continue to be ignored.
Stability in Afghanistan can only be
guaranteed by a truly broad-based and multi-ethnic government. Further,
the interim set-up being visualized in the Bonn process needs to be
bolstered by a multinational force. This is required for three purposes:
to establish the writ of the new government, to discourage infighting
among rival groups, and to demilitarize Kabul. Professor Rabbani and
General Dostum need to understand that unless Kabul is demilitarized,
doubts about Alliance intentions, created by recent statements by some
of its leaders, will remain. The best way to inspire confidence among
all groups is to request OIC members to contribute a joint force.
When dialogue goes on with the Alliance,
it must be made to understand that Pakistan has got to take into account
Pushtoon sensitivities. Pakistan should also persuade the Alliance leadership,
particularly General Dostum, that a humanitarian approach to the Pakistani
members of the besieged Taliban garrison in Kunduz will strengthen attempts
at creating goodwill.
-- Editorial, The
Nation, Lahore, November 24, 2001
The world seems to
be more interested in the fate of Kunduz than in what happens after
the Taliban surrender. While the dateline for the Taliban to surrender
has been changing, concern is mounting about those who will surrender.
The Taliban garrison defending Kunduz consists of both the native (predominantly
Pakhtoon) Afghans and foreign volunteers - mostly Pakistanis, Arabs,
Chechens and some Indonesians.
What is worrying is the attitude of
the Northern Alliance's military leadership. From what has appeared
in the press, it seems the NA generals are making a difference between
Afghan and non-Afghan defenders of Kunduz. While they have said nothing
specific about how the Afghan Taliban would be treated, they have dropped
dark hints about the fate of non-Afghan fighters.
Prisoners of war in modern times are
treated according to the Geneva conventions. Taken prisoner whether
during the fighting or after a formal surrender, the PoW is entitled
to certain privileges. These include humane treatment, proper food,
adequate medical treatment, the right to receive letters and gifts from
his home and international relief agencies, and safe return home after
the war is over.
The only exceptions are those PoWs who
are held guilty of war crimes or crimes against humanity: they are tried,
given the right to defend themselves and ultimately punished or set
free according to norms of justice. However, reports coming out of Afghanistan
portray a dark picture, for certain elements in the Northern Alliance
militia seem to discriminate between Afghan Taliban and non-Afghan combatants.
Shocking as it may appear, the US, which
normally would uphold Geneva conventions in other cases, is ominously
silent on the fate of non-Afghan Taliban. In fact, some of Donald Rumsfeld's
statements on the issue are highly disturbing, for the US defence secretary
has avoided coming out categorically in favour of adhering to the Geneva
conventions. While the US has every right to pursue its war aims in
Afghanistan, it has to do so in a responsible manner, without allowing
the process to be vitiated by a spirit of vengeance or spite and without
any discrimination between one group of adversaries and another. In
fact, as the leader of the world coalition against terrorism, Washington
has to use its influence with the anti-Taliban Alliance to prevent the
massacre of non-Afghan volunteers after the Taliban holed up in Kunduz
give up arms.
Pakistan has to realize the gravity
of the situation. Immediately after the war began, thousands of Pakistanis
crossed over into Afghanistan. That Islamabad did not wish them to do
so or was unable to stop them is beside the point. Those who went to
join what they believed to be their sacred duty included not only tribesmen
but many other groups of Taliban enthusiasts. In Kunduz alone, the number
of foreign volunteers varies from 1,000 to as high as 10,000. Clearly,
when the hostilities end, they are as much entitled to a safe passage
as native Afghans.
One hopes Pakistan will take up the
issue of safe passage of the non-Taliban elements in Kunduz with the
US and Britain and ensure that they remain unharmed. The safe return
of foreign volunteers in no way runs counter to the world coalition's
aim of punishing the terrorists involved in the Sept 11 carnage. While
those against whom there are specific charges should be dealt with accordingly,
other combatants must be treated according to the Geneva conventions
and allowed to return home safely.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, November 24, 2001
The race is on for
Kabul. Mr Burhanuddin Rabbani, the Jamiat-e-Islami leader recognised
by the UN as the legitimate president of Afghanistan but debunked by
Pakistan, is back in the capital, pruning himself for re-anointment.
He is a Tajik. Mr Zahir Shah, the deposed king of Afghanistan long spurned
by Pakistan and now baited by the West, is waiting for a nod from the
Unites States to stake a claim to the throne. He is a Pashtun. Meanwhile,
Moscow, an old Indian ally which despises Pakistan, has thrown its weight
behind Mr Rabbani. Not to be left behind, India is straining at the
leash to play a significant role in Afghanistan now that the Taliban
are gone and the Northern Alliance which it partly funded and trained
is back in the saddle. Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan are supporting the
NA Uzbek warlord Rashid Dostum and Iran’s NA protégé is
the Persian-speaking Gen Ismail Khan. Pakistan is unfortunately nowhere
in the scene with its proclaimed band of loyal Pashtuns.
Next Monday, the UN will herd into Berlin
nearly 40 military commanders and politicians claiming to represent
one segment or another of the people of Afghanistan. Their job is to
agree on a special governing committee to oversee the transition to
an interim government approved by a loya jirga or tribal assembly until
general elections are held in a couple of years in Afghanistan. This
moot follows an implicit US warning to the NA that it won’t be allowed
to fly solo, not least because its control over most of Afghan territory
following the rout of the Taliban is due largely to US military might
but also because it doesn’t represent the dominant Pashtun community
of the country.
The UN, prodded by the US, wants to
move fast in order to stop the country from sliding into another bloody
round of civil war. Despite its high sounding name, the triumphant NA
is riven with ethnic and military rivalries which make it volatile.
The three generals who captured Mazhar i Sharif — Rashid Dostum, an
Uzbek; Atta Mohammad, a Tajik; and Ustad Mohaqqik, a Haraza — are at
loggerheads. Gen Ismail Khan, who has established control over Herat
and the western territories, has serious differences with the NA group
holding Kabul. In Jalalabad, the Pashtun commander Haji Abdul Kadeer,
(brother of commander Abdul Haq who was executed by the Taliban) has
become governor and is pushing Pashtun interests. In Kabul itself, even
as the pro-Russia and pro-Iran Rabbani bills himself as president, effective
power remains in the hands of Tajiks like Younus Qanuni (interior minister),
Dr Abdullah Abdullah (foreign minister) and Gen Mohammad Fahim (army
chief) who are all inclined to look to the US just as much as to Russia
and Iran. The internal challenges within the NA also come from the Shia
Hazara fighters of the Hizbe Wahadat party that is demanding a stake
in governing Kabul because of a strong Hazara presence in the city.
Worse from the point of view of a quick
peace plan, the deal between the NA and Zahir Shah, struck with some
fanfare last month, is all but off. Former Taliban commanders in the
south of the country have bolted from Kabul-Kandahar’s central command
and become Pashtun chieftains bent upon staking and exercising control
over large swathes of territory in their own right. And renegade, armed
groups and roaming bandits are once again the order of the day. With
no one in a commanding position in Afghanistan, the potential for internal
strife has increased alarmingly. In this difficult and unsure situation,
what should Pakistan do? How can it protect its national interests?
Some analysts think that continuing
political and military chaos may not be such a bad thing after all from
Pakistan’s point of view. If every major player turns out to be a loser
and a vacuum persists, Pakistan might be able to exercise some leverage
in the southern and eastern Pashtun belts by default. The geographic
contiguity that has condemned Pakistan to embrace Afghanistan might,
it is argued, also give it the advantage of re-engaging Afghanistan
after the other players have thrown up their hands in despair or exhaustion.
Thus this line of thinking suggests that Islamabad should bide its time
while ironing out its differences with Iran, another country geographically
placed to play a long-term role in Afghanistan.
Alternatively, and more realistically,
Pakistan could become pro-active and reach out to Zahir Shah, who has
full Western support, may be eventually acceptable to the power-brokers
in the NA and is potentially the least objectionable or undesirable
person to temporarily lead and represent the Pashtuns. In fact, Pakistan’s
interest lies not only in an Afghan state that is friendly and sufficiently
Pashtun-led but one that is united and stable. Continuing chaos could
lead to the Balkanisation of Afghanistan along ethnic lines which would
eventually spill over into Pakistan by rousing its Pashtuns into violent
sub-nationalism and separatism. The worst policy, of course, would be
one of sulking indifference to key players and regional developments
or brash confidence in one’s own indispensability in the order of things,
which has unfortunately been the case so far.
- Editorial, The Friday Times, Lahore,
November 23
President Pervez
Musharraf has assured his cabinet, and through it the rest of the country,
that Pakistan's stand on the future Afghan government has been adopted
by the rest of the world. "Everyone now talks of a multi-ethnic and
broad-based representative government," the President said expressing
a large measure of satisfaction. Is this satisfaction justified is another
question because the reality is that everyone seems to be giving a different
meaning to the same set of words. Worries and uncertainties are multiplying
over many things. The UN-convened conference in Bonn is a case in point:
are the groups invited to it really representative of all Afghan ethnicities?
Who precisely and how many are going to represent the largest Pashtun
largest group of Afghans? What will be the UN's own role in Afghanistan.
The experience for Pakistan so far has not been very encouraging. Pakistan
first desired that Northern Alliance (NA) troops should not enter Kabul
City. That did not happen. It also wanted this capital city to be demilitarised
and be run presumably by the UN itself. Nobody paid any attention to
this suggestion. On the contrary, all of Islamabad's fears came true
when NA troops entered Mazar-i-Sharif and Herat; the atrocities committed
by NA are likely to be remembered long. These have besmirched America's
name for so many.
Pakistan government has now made representation
to the UN that it should ensure that humanitarian law is not violated
by those besieging Kunduz where a great tragedy is about to unfold.
The possibility of a mass slaughter of Taliban and their foreign supporters
looms large, although some signs are now visible that the Afghan Taliban
may be allowed safe passage but thousands of foreigners, including Pakistanis,
will have to perish there or be taken prisoners, that is if the NA took
that trouble. Except for one uncertain voice of a NA commander, there
has been no indication that those who would surrender, or be taken prisoner,
would be treated like prisoners of war in accordance with the Geneva
Convention on the subject. Northern Alliance has so far been insistent
that its amnesty offer would not apply to non-Afghans. What would be
the future of thousands of Pakistanis and Arabs holed up in horribly
bombed city? Although no one would sympathise with what these armed
goons did to Afghanistan and the world community for years, yet they
are human beings and the civilised world is expected not to behave like
these criminals.
Other uncertainties include the composition
of the envisaged new Afghan government. The fact of the matter is that
many interested powers are jousting for influencing judgment of the
US administration on the question. What they actually aim at is the
inclusion of their favourites in the government-to-be. Those keenly
interested in the matter include Russia, Iran and India. Some of them
are quite obstreperous. Clearly, Northern Alliance is the general favourite
of all and even former Taliban are going to be kept out. In terms of
hard facts of life, after being defeated in war it shall have no place
in the next government. It is understandable. But that should not mean
that the entire Pashtun community should be excluded. It is possible
that some lightweight Pashtun non-entities may be taken in as show boys
in the new set up. Up to a point, this is true for all ethnic entities.
But the chosen Pashtun men have to have some standing and gravitas even
for conferences. It could be asked as to which Afghans attended the
US-convened conference in Washington that was intended to draw up the
sketch of the brave new Afghanistan that the international Coalition
wants to build.
Pakistan had been given many assurances
that its 'valid' concerns about the future Afghan government will be
respected. This was specifically conceded by the British prime minister
Tony Blair who otherwise acts as a peripatetic Ambassador Extraordinary
and plenipotentiary of the Bush Administration. Americans too have been
giving assurances to Pakistan of all manner. Yet the questions that
need to be asked now are: Is anyone listening to Islamabad? Were any
of the assurances honoured? The US decision-makers did what they had
planned from the beginning or what the logic of the situation demanded.
Keeping Pakistan's interests in mind or to redeem the implied or explicit
pledges has remained elusive so far.
As for Islamabad ruler's self-satisfaction
over having been vindicated in their formulations, it should be seen
for what it is. It is a merely verbal acceptance of a vague, undefined,
generic formula. Every power that feels concerned can produce a distinctive
'broad-based, multi-ethnic and representative' government of all major
ethnic groups, but will others accept it. What is Pakistan's bottom
line to accept any such formula? Will we be happy if a couple of Pashtun
names are included in the list of ministers and given portfolios of
say sports or tourism? Let us not make premature declarations of satisfaction.
Pakistan's role cannot be minimised in the new set of things and we
must keep our goals and direction sharply focused.
-- Editorial, The News, Islamabad, November 23, 2001
President Pervez
Musharraf is right when he says that images in the western media of
extremists protesting in the streets of Pakistani cities do not represent
an accurate picture of the public opinion. The president wants the silent
majority - those who do not support the extremists - to make its voice
heard. However, this is easier said than done. The best way to do this
would be to hold rallies, and some have been held, albeit with relatively
low turnouts. But it is not as simple as that.
The extremists, who spew fire and venom,
see things in black and white: America represents evil, the Taliban
are good, and, thus, an attack on Afghanistan becomes an attack on Islam.
However, those who oppose the extremists do not necessarily read the
situation through a black-or-white lens. For them, opposition to the
extremists does not necessarily mean support for the government stand,
primarily because the latter would involve condoning the bombing and
the civilian deaths.
Having said that: even if the moderate
and tolerant were to come out in the streets or decide, as the president
put it, to stand up to a mosque preacher who spreads hate, will the
law be there to protect them if matters get out of hand? Unfortunately,
experience has shown that past governments, and perhaps slightly less
so this one, have often gone out of their way to appease extremist elements.
And when it came to protecting those from the silent majority who would
like to stand up, the government was hardly ever there.
Since Sept 11 and after the bombing,
the government has given considerable leeway to the organizers of the
Pakistan-Afghan Defence Council to hold rallies, knowing what their
street power is. However, the same sort of flexibility was not forthcoming
when it came to allowing citizens' groups to hold rallies - rallies
that would have attracted far fewer people, no doubt, but would have
served to restore some balance to media coverage. If the president wants
the silent majority to speak up, the least he could do is to send an
appropriate message to elements in the state apparatus who tend to look
at civil society with suspicion and derision.
- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, November 19, 2001
Amid conflicting
reports about the fate of Kandahar, the headquarters of the Taliban
movement and the last important city still in their control, the need
for diplomatic moves to install a broad-based government in Afghanistan
has acquired even greater urgency. With the Taliban exodus to the hills
beginning in the south and pro-Taliban forces hopelessly outnumbered
and surrounded by hostile forces in Kunduz to the north, the writing
is very much there on the wall for the Taliban.
The beleagured Taliban are soon likely
to be left with no territory of any worth in Afghanistan. Given this
backdrop, it is gratifying to know that Pakistan is getting positive
signals from all sides with regard to the formation of a broad-based
post-Taliban government. A number of diplomatic moves are afoot and,
though a consensus has not yet emerged, the diplomats, mercifully, are
not working at cross-purposes.
On Thursday, America's special envoy,
James Dobbins, met President Musharraf and others to discuss the government-making
issue in Afghanistan. He has already met exiled former king Zahir Shah
in Rome. Also on Thursday, Iranian Interior Minister Mousavi-Lari met
the president and apprised him of his government's view on the Afghan
situation.
Earlier in the week, Saudi Foreign Minister
Saud al-Faisal had unveiled a joint Saudi-Pakistan peace plan for a
broad-based government in Kabul. Meanwhile, on Friday President Musharraf
had a telephone conversation with the Chinese President who also supported
the moves to set up a multi-ethnic government in Afghanistan. Significantly,
the Russians, too, seem to have softened their support for the Northern
Alliance, with a senior diplomat stating that Pukhtoons should play
a prominent role in any future government. All these plans do not go
against, but seem in harmony with, the Security Council resolution passed
on Wednesday.
The Council resolution reaffirmed that
the UN should play a "central role" in establishing a transitional council
that should pave the way for a broader government acceptable to all
sections of Afghanistan's population. Earlier, press reports said Pakistan
had received positive signals even from the Northern Alliance through
Islamabad's friends in Ankara and Tehran.
This means virtually all sides agree
on the need for moving with speed to ensure a UN presence in Kabul.
In fact, by the time these lines appear in print, some peacekeeping
troops might already have moved into Kabul. This peacekeeping force
has the world body's blessings, though it will not be wearing the UN's
blue helmet.
Indications are that it will be replaced
by a UN force consisting of troops drawn from some Muslim countries.
There is a need now for calling a meeting of different Afghan factions
at the earliest. There are hints that Qatar, as the current chairman
of the Organization of Islamic Conference, might be willing to host
such a meeting. Given the consensus that appears on all sides, one hopes
the Afghan factions and diplomats from Afghanistan's neighbours and
other members of the US-led coalition will get the process going. The
aim should obviously be to ensure an honest implementation of the UN
plan that visualizes giving Afghanistan a government that would truly
reflect its ethnic and cultural mosaic.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, November 18
Political situation that is resulting
from the American war on Taliban with its ugly fallout is dangerous.
All the polarisations that characterised Pakistan's political life are
so much more threatening today. The most serious one remains the one
between the modernists and pro-Taliban Islamicists. This is an old one
the history of which can be traced back to earliest years of Pakistan.
None of the other polarities has gone away either. Indeed they are so
much more intense. There was and is a major controversy between strong
centre wallahs and regional nationalists who swear by true federalism.
There was also the wide gulf between the rich and the poor. It is wider
today. A subsidiary to the former division between modernists and hard
Islamicists is, in addition to the older leftists versus rightwingers,
the one between those who support the military regime and those who
want undiluted democracy.
As the pressures from the US to cooperate with it on
its own terms are growing, it is matched by Indian growls of hot pursuit
of cross-border terrorists in Kashmir. The Indian intentions cannot
be assessed as good by anyone. It is also a time when the feeling is
growing in the country that the US and its close allies are perhaps
deliberately neglecting their moral duty to stabilise and strengthen
Pakistan's balance of payments even as the economic situation is growing
worse.
It is obvious that, irrespective of what the military
regime thinks it can do, the situation is clearly beyond its capacity
to tackle all problems alone. All political parties have to join their
heads and hands to cope with the multifarious challenges that are staring
Pakistan in the face. PML is now in so many bits and pieces that its
effectiveness is under serious doubt; in any case what its leaders'
capacity is for producing alternative solutions produces even greater
uncertainty. PPP leaders appear to be mainly interested in the release
of Asif Ali Zardari and guarantees for the safe return of Benazir Bhutto;
actual solutions to the pressing problems are not engaging their immediate
attention. Much the same can be said for the MQM, the third largest
party. And so on. One suspects that most parties think that since a
military regime has taken over, which wants to go it alone in all things,
we'll let it solve all the problems as best as it can.
This, unfortunately is not patriotism. The delusion
of the military that it has the panacea for every trouble has to be
seen for what it is. But Pakistan comes first. It is time for all the
parties to sit together and see whether they can produce alternatives
required amidst a heap of failed policies. It is a challenge all Pakistanis
have to meet.
-- Editorial, The News, Islamabad, November 16, 2001
Pakistan has done well to ask the
UN to ensure the observance of human rights in Afghanistan following
the entry of Northern Alliance troops in Kabul and elsewhere. Islamabad's
fear of a possible deterioration of the human rights situation is justified,
given Afghanistan's history of the last more than a decade.
When the victorious Mujahideen entered Kabul to oust
Najibullah's government, there were mass executions, besides widespread
looting and plunder. Later, when the Taliban assumed power in most of
Afghanistan, human rights were violated under the cover of religion.
Whole villages were razed, orchards were destroyed, political enemies
were summarily executed, and a new code of conduct, especially harsh
on women, was enforced. The fall of Kabul has been welcomed by the populace.
But there are reports of grave human rights violations and summary executions
in Kabul, while in Mazar-i-Sharif, 200 Taliban soldiers who had surrendered
were slaughtered.
Obviously, the Northern Alliance forces are there by
courtesy of the US-led military forces which facilitated their advance
west and southward by destroying the military power and by putting them
on the run on the northern frontlines. However, now that their occupation
of Kabul and some other cities is a fact, there is need to remind them
that their role is temporary. What the world expects of them is to maintain
peace and security till a UN peacekeeping force takes over.
Once this force assumes control, the UN's five-point
plan can be put into operation. The key elements of this plan envisage
a meeting of the representatives of all Afghan factions, the formation
of a provisional council, the convening of a Loya Jirga and, finally,
the induction of a broad-based government. Any deviation from this course
is full of hazards. Mercifully, indications from the Northern Alliance
quarters are that they are aware of the need for a government in which
all communities will have a representation. One hopes that, till such
time as a UN force moves in, NA commanders in areas under their control
will ensure that no human rights violations take place and that they
uphold human rights during the interim period.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, November 16, 2001
AFTER 20 years of high-cost Pakistani
involvement in Afghanistan, it must have grieved every Pakistani to
watch TV footage showing Kabulis raising anti-Pakistan slogans and bodies
of reportedly Pakistani volunteers lying in the streets. It is also
ironic to see policymakers eating crow by courting ex-King Zahir Shah
or anxiously seeking the formation of a broadbased government, on the
need for which they had failed to persuade the Taliban when Kabul was
under their control. The strategic depth pipedream has vanished into
thin air, as all illusions are ultimately bound to. It must have been
equally embarrassing for policymakers, both civilian and military, to
find they have no working relationship with Kabul’s new masters, the
Northern Alliance, let alone a semblance of leverage.
With every passing day, the Alliance attitude is hardening.
Its interior minister Younis Qanooni has started believing that the
Taliban had retreated not because of the US bombing but the courage
of his forces, and that Professor Rabbani is still President. While
the entry into Kabul had earlier been justified on the ground that the
Alliance wanted to ensure law and order in the abandoned city. Alliance
ministers have started occupying government offices, implying they intend
to administer the country. How the Alliance conceives of the shape of
things to come can be gauged from its Foreign Minister’s proposals.
A broadbased interim administration will be set up, he says, after the
Taliban are sorted out, which might take months or even longer. He sees
a role for the UN only after the Afghan groups have reached an understanding
between themselves, implying that the exercise would be conducted under
Alliance auspices. The interim administration would then hold countrywide
elections after two years. While the US gives priority to getting Osama
and Al-Qaida, forming a government under Professor Rabbani seems the
principal Alliance goal. Meanwhile the media is reporting killings and
looting in Alliance-controlled areas. UNICEF relief convoys have been
confiscated by Alliance commanders and Pushtun drivers killed. In the
Pushtun South and East, chaotic conditions are being created by warlords
trying to take over. The longer the situation is fluid, the greater
the difficulties of those deciding, rather belatedly, to undertake nation-building.
One hopes General Musharraf will deal with the situation
with realism and urgency. Continuing to harbour the illusions which
have characterized our Afghan policy will be extremely harmful. Pakistan
must resist the temptation to take sides in another country’s domestic
politics, even if opportunities are available. The government has to
interact with the US to make the latter fulfill its promise to keep
Kabul demilitarized until a broadbased government is in place. The Alliance
has to be convinced that it must tone down its anti-Pakistan rhetoric,
and not overestimate its position. Just as it is now necessary for Pakistan
to establish a good working relationship with whatever government takes
over in Kabul, the Alliance and other Afghan factions must realise that
friendly relations with its crucial neighbour are in their own interests.
- Editorial, The Nation, Lahore, November 16, 2001
World diplomacy is moving fast to
ensure a neutral and broad-based government in Afghanistan in the wake
of Kabul's fall. The Northern Alliance ignored the world community's
wishes that it stay out of Kabul pending a final settlement. However,
the United Nations and world capitals have made it abundantly clear
that they consider the Alliance's occupation of the Afghan capital a
transitory phenomenon. In Istanbul, after talks with Turkish Prime Minister
Bulent Ecevit, President Pervez Musharraf outlined his plan for a broad-based
government: all forces should be withdrawn from Kabul, which should
be declared a demilitarized city; there should be a UN force - drawn
preferably from Muslim countries - and this should be followed by a
consensus on a formula for giving the country a multi-ethnic government
acceptable to all sections of Afghanistan's population. Similar calls
for a consensual approach to government-making have come from Washington,
London and other European Union capitals.
Mercifully, the Northern Alliance, too, has shown an
awareness of the need for a consensus. As Abdullah Abdullah, its foreign
minister, told a news conference, the Alliance forces were there to
ensure security, and there would be no unilateral attempt to run the
country. He invited other Afghan factions to come to Kabul for talks
and remarked that an Afghan government could not be formed by "foreign
forces." More welcome, however, was his remark that a UN presence was
necessary. This means the Northern leadership would be willing to go
by the five-point plan presented to the Security Council by Lakhdar
Brahimi on Tuesday.
The essence of the UN plan lies in inviting the various
Afghan factions to talks with a view to forming a provisional council,
which will rule for at least two years at the end of which it would
call a Loya Jirga to give the country a permanent government. Kofi Annan
seemed to be aware of the need for moving fast when he urged the Security
Council to take "urgent action" to prevent a political and security
vacuum.
At the same time, while Colin Powell was calling for
a UN force consisting of soldiers from Muslim countries, America's special
envoy in Afghanistan, James Dobbins, was in Rome to meet the former
Afghan monarch, Zahir Shah. This was in keeping with President Bush's
remarks after his meeting with President Musharraf (when Kabul had not
fallen yet) that the US wanted "a peaceful and stable" neighbour along
Pakistan's western border, and this was possible only when "power arrangement
is shared with the different tribes within Afghanistan." This means
the entire world now stands for a government that would symbolize the
plurality of Afghanistan's demographic reality.
One issue is where the representatives of different
Afghan factions would meet. Qatar is said to be willing to play host
to a meeting of the various Afghan factions and help facilitate a consensus
among them on a broad-based, representative government for Afghanistan.
However, other venues, too, can be considered. Where the meeting takes
place is less important; what is more important is that all Afghans
realize that in their hands lies the future of their country.
Their country has suffered so much over the last two
decades that only a heartless warlord would quibble over petty matters.
The country needs peace and reconstruction - besides the rehabilitation
of millions of Afghan refugees who would like to return home when fighting
ceases. One hopes all Afghan leaders and the outside powers helping
them would move with speed to install a peacekeeping force in Kabul
as a prelude to a lasting arrangement.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, November 15
The way the Taliban administration
and its fighting militia, for it may not be proper to call it an army,
disappeared from the scene, main Afghan cities including Kabul, without
even a whimper, has surprised many. When the US started bombing in early
October, the Taliban leadership had gone underground, and understandably
so. But now it appears its military strength was more of an inflated
balloon than real fire power with any policy, strategy or tactical depth.
A deeper look at how it was created and sustained may provide more logical
clues to its sudden collapse. It started off as a student movement in
Kandahar controlling traffic. When military strategists in Pakistan
and the West saw some potential of using its appeal against bitterly
feuding warlords all over Afghanistan, these motivated students were
armed, trained and physically supported to start capturing territory.
The Afghan eagerness to strike deals helped them buy, force and conquer
warlords and commanders and the movements started looking like a movement.
The crucial administrative, economic, logistic and diplomatic support
by Pakistan and ISI, made these students, with not even rudimentary
knowledge of governance, polity or international diplomacy, look like
a government in control. They were admirably propped up by seasoned
civil and military officials, both active and retired, and they created
and maintained the facade of a ruling functioning state.
Enter Osama Bin Ladin and his band of Arab mercenaries
who were loitering around in Afghanistan, Pakistan and some Arab countries
with nothing to do after the Soviet collapse. Some went to fight in
Kashmir, as they could do nothing else but fight, anyone, anywhere,
to make a living. Most remained and rallied around Osama and smoothly
the Mulla Omar-Osama nexus became so strong and effective, the Taliban
started feeling the need for distancing themselves from Pakistan and
even defy Islamabad at times. At least this is what Osama and his men
practically forced them to. Soaked with Osama's dollars and still backed
by Pakistan against any military threat from their northern rivals,
they also got into forays of human rights, women's rights abuses and
spreading a very narrow brand of religious extremism all around. That
was until September 11.
The world changed and so did Taliban's fate. Pakistan
pulled out its support and that was one huge dent that Taliban could
never recover from. Still they did not get the message. By this time
their inner cadres and strength had dissipated so much, the leaders
were isolated and living in their own mythical world of security in
caves and hideouts. With the US carpet bombing, the rank and file just
disappeared, as is evident from Mulla Omar's exhortations to his men
to obey their commanders. Now they have gathered in Kandahar and its
surroundings and it is just a question of when, probably any hour, any
day that they are smoked out of their caves, as President Bush had initially
promised.
These fighters are now going to spread out in droves,
with weapons, to all neighbouring countries. Governments around Afghanistan
have to gear up to this threat as it may take any shape, any dimension
and any intensity. The raw religious students who left the madrassas
in Pakistan five years ago are no longer immature, misguided children.
They are now trained fighters who will roam around as headless chicken,
as Mulla Omar himself put it in his desperate last message. Those who
created the Taliban must now learn some hard lessons of such misadventures
and prepare to "welcome" these chicken, coming home to roost.
-- Editorial, The News, Islamabad, November 15, 2001
With the entry of the Northern Alliance
forces into Kabul on Tuesday, the entire military and political situation
in Afghanistan has undergone a total transformation. The northern and
western provinces, including the cities of Herat and Mazar-i-Sharif
having already fallen into the hands of the Alliance forces earlier,
the fall of Kabul is a devastating blow to the Taliban.
In fact, the Taliban did not choose to fight. The Northern
commanders ignored the restraint that was expected of them. They had
been told by the US-led world coalition not to enter Kabul, for that
would only complicate matters. While it is true that they fought the
ground battle, they owed their easy victories to America's air offensive.
Without America's carpet-bombing of the Taliban's front-lines, the Northern
forces could not have achieved the easy victory they have won. The fault
perhaps lay with Washington and Islamabad for being unrealistic: no
victorious commander would deny him glory and halt before a capital
city if it were ready to fall to him.
However, now that the Northerners' occupation of Kabul
is a fact, Afghanistan's neighbours must obviously feel concerned about
what lies in store for the Afghan people. The Northern Alliance is an
entirely non-Pakhtoon grouping, while the Taliban are wholly made of
the Pakhtoons. Thus, neither is in a position to give the country a
stable government that would command support and allegiance all around
and begin Afghanistan's post-war reconstruction.
Like the Taliban, the Northern Alliance, too, does
not have a very enviable human rights record. In fact, their entry into
Kabul last time was marked by widespread looting, plunder and summary
executions. Given the fact that Kabul is a predominantly Pakhtoon city,
its indefinite occupation by the Northern forces could produce a severe
backlash from the Pakhtoons, not all of them necessarily pro-Taliban.
It is time the US-led world coalition acted with speed
to avert what could turn out to be a recipe for disaster. On Monday
in New York, the foreign ministers of the Six Plus Two Group issued
a declaration, reaffirming support to UN Representative Lakhdar Brahimi's
efforts for a broad-based government in Kabul. The declaration believed
that the new government must also satisfy the urgings of the Afghan
citizens, protect human rights, bring peace and stability to the country
and the region and meet Afghanistan's international obligations, such
as those relating to drugs.
It is obvious that a government which enjoys the support
of all of Afghanistan's ethnic communities, can alone come up to the
international community's expectations.The immediate need is to devise
a mechanism whereby a neutral force could take over from the Northern
Alliance forces and manage Kabul till a broad-based government is formed.
No such scheme exists at the moment, and if there is
one, it has not been made public. But hints have appeared in the western
press that a UN force drawn from some Muslim countries - Bangladesh
and Turkey, for instance, - could be entrusted with the task of keeping
peace pending the installation of a multi-ethnic and broad-based government.
With the military reverses suffered by the Taliban,
there is also now a fair possibility that non-Taliban Pakhtoon leaders
would be willing to play a role in the new set-up. Until now they were
lying low out of fear. One hopes the Six Plus Two governments would
now speed up consultations and develop a consensus on a new government.
It must be realized that continued occupation of Kabul by the Northerners
could only complicate matters and lead to terrible bloodshed.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, November 14
President General Pervez Musharraf's
first meeting with US President George W Bush seems to have gone very
well with Mr Bush promising one billion dollar in aid and conceding
a major point by agreeing to stop the Northern Alliance from taking
over Kabul from the Taliban. Whether the US will actually be able to
physically apply the brakes if the Northern Alliance went on a roll
and came close to taking over Kabul is highly doubtful as the basic
flaw in the US strategy is that it is not using its own ground forces
and will be depending totally on the strength of the Northern Alliance
troops. Pakistan can sense that danger and no amount of sweet diplomatic
words would be enough to change the ground situation.
According to any sane military strategist, if the enemy
is on the run and about to fall or destroyed, the onslaught should never
be stopped. General Musharraf, who himself is an army chief, knows it
better than many. That would provide the Taliban an opportunity to regroup
their forces, energise their ranks and put up stiff resistance. It is
also not clear what arrangement would be made to dislodge the Taliban
from Kabul, if Northern Alliance is not to enter the capital. The situation
is fraught with serious consequences for Pakistan and President's Bush's
promise should be taken with a pinch of salt as ground realities do
not follow the high sounding diplomatic promises in cushy summit halls.
It was in this context that General Musharraf's suggestion
to put in place a "fallback political strategy" to avoid a vacuum from
developing in Kabul becomes critically important. Pakistan is understandably
concerned about the manner of the transition of authority that will
take place and has already made its position clear on the kind of government
it would like to see take over in Afghanistan.
Besides this cause for serious concern for Pakistan,
General Musharraf's has done otherwise well in New York. His address
to the UN General Assembly was possibly the first effort by a Muslim
leader to comprehensively deal with terrorism especially in the context
of the mischievous attempt to link it to Islam. In correcting this flawed
notion, he referred to the fact that the sufferers of most of the unresolved
issues and those that have emerged in recent times due to political
developments are Muslims, which gives a religious tinge to political
disputes. An indifferent and at times unsympathetic world has contributed
towards constructing a violent image of Muslims, although terrorism
has no religion. The President specially mentioned Kashmir dispute and
Palestine, both issues that have remained unresolved for over half a
century by the UN. The President's prescription for eliminating terrorism
was to strike at its roots by removing the political and economic grievances
of the wronged people.
-- Editorial, The News, Islamabad, November 12, 2001
As international criticism of the
intensified US bombing of Afghanistan and its questionable utility is
mounting, the US has also begun taking casualties with its somewhat
woolly objectives appearing no closer to achievement. Thus, the tough
talk by President Bush can be ascribed at least in part to offsetting
the cumulative pressure. But, even so, its contents are dangerous. Addressing
via a video-link the Central European leaders, corralled together in
Warsaw, he likened the Al-Qaeda terrorists to the "fascists and totalitarians
before them" and accused them of trying to impose "their radical views
through threats and violence." The comparison is obviously hyperbolic.
While violence is reprehensible, the half-baked ideas emanating from
Osama Bin Laden presently find few takers and his capacity to impose
these on any country, much less the world, is rather far fetched. Such
over dramatisation by the President of the world's most powerful country
can, thus, be counter-productive. In fact, if over worked, even the
hitherto dreaded word "terrorist" could well lose its pungency as "fundamentalism"
has done before it.
President Bush also cautioned the Warsaw gathering
that the Al-Qaeda is seeking nuclear weapons and the US will not wait
for it to succeed and cause more innocent deaths. Coming in the midst
of the anthrax alarm in the US, for which also Al-Qaeda is being fingered
even while conceding that no evidence regarding the origin of the germs
has been unearthed, this threat of a preemptive nuclear strike becomes
very ominous. There is, it needs to be recalled, still no credible evidence
even to establish the existence outside Afghanistan of the supposedly
omni-presence of Al-Qaeda. In fact, the US is having difficulty even
in locating it within Afghanistan. Neither is there evidence of its
quest for weapons of mass destruction. Yet, the threats of a preemptive
nuclear strike are being hurled freely.
As stressed earlier, this is too horrendous an option
to even be considered. Apart from the destruction it would cause, in
the currently charged atmosphere, the powerful symbolism of a nuclear
or chemical strike against Muslims will cause ripples to turn into waves.
Moreover, the US intelligence agencies, which have suddenly become so
efficient as to forecast specific threats to the bridges in the Bay
Area of San Francisco, were totally clueless about the catastrophe that
struck the US on September 11. Much of what has been unearthed by them
ever since is also unconvincing, forcing the US not to fulfill the promise
of publishing a white-paper linking Al-Qaeda to the attacks on USA.
The alarm about the nuclear ambitions of the alleged terrorists being
put out by these very agencies could well be intended to deflect the
calls for their own accountability.
It is, therefore, essential for the US leadership to
tone down the scary rhetoric to let normalcy return to the US and indeed
to the world at large. The impression of lashing out in desperate anger
will only blur the focus on specific and known terrorists. Just as innocent
people must not die in the US, they must also not die elsewhere. Otherwise,
the entire effort against terrorism would backfire.
-- Editorial, The News, November 8
Ever since the air strikes against
Afghanistan began, parties opposed to the government's policy of support
for the action have been staging rallies regularly. The opposition to
the air strikes is not confined to the religious parties alone; many
non-religious parties and groups have also held demonstrations and staged
marches to voice their opposition to the Anglo-American air strikes.
Barring some exceptions, most of these rallies have
been quite peaceful. Certainly, every party has the right to express
its views on such a vital question as Pakistan's decision to go along
with the US-led world coalition against terrorism. Initially, the rallies
were quite emotional and violent. For instance, three people were killed
in Quetta, and in Karachi, too, there were cases of arson and attacks
on property. Since then, things have definitely been relatively quiet.
This goes to the credit of both the government and the parties holding
anti-war rallies.
However, one fails to understand the reason behind
the call for a countrywide "wheel-jam" strike next Friday. In addition,
there is to be a sit-in at Islamabad for a number of days. It is not
clear what purpose would be served by this form of protest.
Blocking traffic and forcing a closure for long periods
cause inconvenience to the public, and it is the national economy that
suffers. When overdone, it is the parties behind such strikes and sit-ins
which invite the suffering public's opprobrium. That the religious parties
should adopt this tactic is indeed unfortunate.
Religious leaders are supposed to counsel patience
and tolerance and teach their followers how to press a point peacefully
and without bringing life to a grinding halt and without causing widespread
disruptions. While one hopes that the government would use tact, restraint
and persuasion to end the sit-in and keep the traffic going, the parties
giving such a call should reconsider the matter in the interest of public
peace and order. Inconveniencing the people at large and, in some cases,
tormenting them in cases where there is a medical emergency are a bad
strategy for serving any cause.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, November 7
One must take with a pinch of salt
the US defence secretary's claim that the military campaign in Afghanistan
is making "measurable progress." Talking to newsmen in Washington, Donald
Rumsfeld referred to a three-phase operation against the Taliban, the
first focused on the Taliban's air defences, the second on their broader
military infrastructure, and the third on the Taliban forces facing
the Northern Alliance. The plan was conceived this way, he said, because
America did not have any ground troops in Afghanistan, "and we do have
now some." Yet, going by the situation on the ground, it appears difficult
to accept Secretary Rumsfeld's claim that the campaign is making "measurable
progress".
Today, the US completes its fourth week of incessant
air strikes against Afghanistan. While it is true that the Pentagon
has not yet unleashed all the offensive power at its command, its bombing
has, nevertheless, been very heavy and lethal. Considerable damage has
been done to the Taliban's command and control systems - such as they
have - and their military capability must have been badly mauled.
Nevertheless, their infantry is intact, and there is
no indication yet that the Taliban in any way feel shaken or demoralized.
In fact, by resisting the American onslaughts and by beating back several
Northern Alliance attacks, they have thrown into doubt many of the possibilities
and outcomes which the US-led allies had taken for granted.
When the aerial strikes began on Oct 7, it was assumed
that it would be too much for the Taliban to stand the superpower's
air strikes; that either they would sue for peace or there would be
defections in their ranks - if not in days then in weeks. In the latter
case, a non-Taliban Pakhtoon leadership would be in place which would
fill the vacuum once the military campaign was over. However, nothing
of the sort has happened. The Taliban leadership has not panicked, and
there is not even the remotest of indications that large-scale defections
are about to weaken their ranks.
One wonders whether the original aim of the war has
been allowed to be blurred. The aim of the war was to capture Osama
bin Laden, the prime suspect in the Sept 11 bombing, destroy his al-Qaeda
network, and punish the Taliban for harbouring terrorists. It seems
punishing the Taliban by bombing has overshadowed the other two aims.
It is another matter, though, that the aerial strikes
have served less to punish the Taliban and more to cause heavy civilian
casualties. In a way, the continued bombing has helped the Taliban,
because large sections of opinion in the world, including the West,
are calling for a halt to the bombing. UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan,
too, has pleaded for an end to the bombing so that relief goods could
reach the Afghan people.
The truth is that the intensity of air strikes has
not been matched by any initiative on the political front. Last month's
moot at Peshawar bore no fruit, and the proposed assembly of various
Afghan factions in Turkey has been delayed. Also, for some reason, the
move to present Zahir Shah as a unifying force has failed to attract
much attention. This makes the continuation of the air strikes an end
in itself. No sane mind would accept this. It is time the American strategists
focused on the war aims rather than on a continuation of air strikes
with their concomitant collateral damage. The Taliban are firmly in
control, and the Pentagon and the state department seem to be groping
in the dark to discover a focused strategy for achieving the war aims
against a country already in ruins.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, November 4
With the Anglo-American air strikes
on Afghanistan having entered the fourth week, there is no evidence
yet that the world coalition is anywhere near realizing its war aims.
Both militarily and politically, the air strikes have failed to yield
results.
While it may be argued that three weeks are too short
a period in which to expect results in a country of Afghanistan's territorial
and organizational disposition, one would have expected at least some
visible progress in that direction.
The lethality of American weapons and their firepower
cannot be doubted. Still, they have failed to make the Taliban bend.
In fact, the Taliban remain as defiant as ever. It is, of course, obvious
that the air strikes have "eviscerated" the Taliban's command and control
centres, crippled their communication system, and destroyed or damaged
their ammunition depots and fuel dumps. Nevertheless, the Taliban's
ground forces are fully intact and ready to give battle if and when
the ground war begins.
However, apart from the acknowledged fact of the landing
of a certain number of commandos in the northern part of Afghanistan,
there is no evidence yet that the Anglo-Americans are anywhere close
to beginning a major land operation.
Politically, the US-led allies seem to be groping in
the dark. With the Taliban still in control, no alternative government
is conceivable at this stage, and the formation of a broad-based government
has run into serious trouble.
The Peshawar moot, organized by Syed Pir Ahmad Gilani,
was boycotted by the Northern Alliance, and King Zahir Shah did not
send his representatives to participate. This means the holding of the
Loya Jirga is nowhere in sight. The silence with which the summary trial
and execution of Commander Abdul Haq has been treated on all sides speaks
volumes about the world coalition's total inability to comprehend, much
less influence, the intricacies of Afghanistan's tribal politics.
In the midst of all this, the humanitarian disaster
in Afghanistan is assuming catastrophic proportions. The bombings are
interfering with UN relief work, and supplies cannot be taken to the
hungry. Their number is in millions. No wonder, UN Secretary-General
Kofi Annan has called for a halt to the military operations, especially
the air strikes so "that we can begin to move in our supplies."
To the world, including large segments in the West,
the air strikes now seem useless. All they are doing at the moment is
to increase the civilian death toll, since very few of the Taliban military
installations are left to be destroyed. Clearly, the ground operations
should have begun long ago.
Air strikes alone cannot defeat an enemy; ultimately,
it is the infantry that must occupy and hold, making it possible for
the real objective of the operation to be pursued, namely the capture
of Osama bin Laden and his Al-Qaeda operatives who are supposed to be
behind the September 11 carnage in New York and Washington.
Action against the Taliban is justifiable only to the
extent of their culpability as protectors and harbourers of bin Laden
and his Al-Qaeda network. Washington also does not seem to realize that
a continuation of air strikes with their concomitant "collateral damage"
is making the task of the world coalition's Muslim members difficult.
The more the civilians get killed, the greater becomes the difficulty
for Muslim governments to explain their policies to their people. At
any rate, with no significant military obstacle to remove and the holy
month of fasting only a fortnight away, the aerial strikes must come
to an end soon.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, November 2
Has the supercharged US military-intelligence
machine got bogged down in Afghanistan? Despite the bombs and high-gadgetry
homing devices poured over Afghanistan, the "tenacious" Taliban
seem unrepentant. Meanwhile, Osama bin Laden has gone underground, literally,
but not before threatening to ignite the ground under the feet of the
"aggressors". Americans are therefore bracing for another
terrorist attack.
Critics argue that the American carrot-stick strategy
of trying to bomb and bribe the Taliban has failed to bear fruit. Further
evidence of failure relates to the CIA’s botched attempt to stir rebellion
against the Taliban via commander Abdul Haq who was armed only with
satchels full of greenbacks before he was betrayed, captured and executed.
It is therefore concluded that this war or campaign is going to be a
long and nasty one, with some people apprehensive about a right-wing
military coup against General Pervez Musharraf. Leading this pack is
the irrepressible American journalist Seymour Hersh who says that special
American troops are rehearsing how to "take out" Pakistan’s
nuclear programme should General Pervez Musharraf be ousted from power.
Like many others, General Musharraf had hoped that
the American military campaign would be short, swift and sharp, leading
to the installation of a friendly broad based government in Kabul before
public opinion turned irrevocably hostile in Pakistan. But this hasn’t
happened. In fact, local religious parties have swelled their ranks
and are flexing for a showdown with the government, with a few actually
trying to subvert the army. This has prompted General Musharraf to sweep
the decks and bring moderate and pragmatic army officers into positions
of responsibility in place of the more ideological or politically ambitious
ones who originally installed him in power. The prospect of a longer
than anticipated war with rising "collateral damage" (what
a callous phrase!) and an attendant popular backlash in the country
has also fueled speculation that he might seek to mend fences with certain
politicians in the national interest of Pakistan.
But General Musharraf is reasonably sanguine that he
has taken the right decision and the storm will pass. He is hoping for
positive results in Afghanistan even as he digs in for a longer haul.
Is his guarded optimism justified?
As everyone knows, two salient facts stand out about
the American campaign against OBL, Al Qaeda and the Taliban so far.
First, the Americans have said from Day-One that this is the beginning
of a multi-faceted and prolonged war against Al-Qaeda and its ilk. So
if there are any qualms about the lack of progress until now, people
should be patient. Second, the Americans have merely tried to "soften"
up the Taliban rather than seriously finishing them off. They are concentrating
on knocking out the Taliban’s logistical support and heavy weapons instead
of indiscriminately carpet-bombing their troop concentrations. There
are two reasons for this: the Taliban’s heavy armour and logistical
bases must be knocked out before the Americans can establish a couple
of secure bridgeheads for "boots on ground" and intelligence
operations; and the NA has to be kept at arms length from Kabul until
a broad based government acceptable to Pakistan and the rest of the
regional players has been cobbled and installed in the capital. What
are the prospects of that happening soon?
Pro-Taliban commentators say the Taliban will never
surrender to the Americans. But might they not switch in sufficient
numbers if the conditions were right? General Musharraf’s rather coy
remark recently of impending switches and defections among the Taliban
should not be ignored. Perhaps the hiatus in the war provided by Ramadan
will be a cover for achieving this objective. Voices in the American
establishment are already saying that Washington may have missed the
import of the Taliban’s early statements suggesting that they would
have no serious objections if the Americans could "take out"
their honourable guest without direct reference to them.
A couple of days ago some American soldiers and advisers
were attached to contingents of the NA facing Mazhar i Sharif. This
significant development suggests that further pressure will be brought
to bear on the Taliban’s front lines by a targeted dose of carpet-bombing
while propelling the NA’s ragtag army into effective military action.
Equally critically, the presence of the Americans is meant to make sure
that the NA’s troops do not commit atrocities after they capture the
city. The same sort of pressure on the Taliban and restraint on the
NA may be evident along the Kabul front in weeks to come. In fact, the
Americans may be preparing the ground to hold the NA in check while
readying a UN sponsored military force to occupy Kabul as soon as possible.
Fortunately, civilian casualties in Afghanistan are
still much less than originally anticipated. But these will surely mount
as the war is extended. Islamic passions are bound to be further inflamed.
That is why the Americans and Pakistanis must extract maximum mileage
from the onset of Ramadan. The sooner the political essence and organisational
structure of a new government in Kabul is agreed upon between the contending
powers, a roadmap, as it were, the quicker the Taliban can be swept
aside and the bombing brought to an end.
-- Editorial, The Friday Times, November 1
In two separate yet related incidents
of law and order lies the greatest challenge to the authority of the
state: the gathering of thousands of jihadi volunteers on the Durand
Line wishing to cross over into Afghanistan to fight along side the
Taliban, and the blockade of the Karakoram Highway by religious zealots
in the Kohistan district.
Both incidents have rightly caused anxiety and concern
in Islamabad, especially as innocent young men are being forced into
conscription of sorts, or incited to violence, by a band of bigoted
zealots who only represent a marginal fringe of society. Yet, these
incidents are a dangerous reminder that it takes only a few thousand
defiant and determined people to hold a nation of 140 million hostage
to their whims and caprices.
The two acts in question are anything but rational
- much less guided by an enlightened spirit of religious commitment.
Clearly, if the government has to take action to disperse the jihadis
camping on the Pak-Afghan border or those blocking the KKH, the onus
of any ensuing violence will lie squarely on those who have incited
and set these people on such a course of action.
It is indeed deplorable that the sponsors of such defiant
acts should choose to hide behind the mask of religion. For the millions
comprising Pakistan's Muslim majority, this certainly is not the face
of religion they would like to identify with. Many will indeed argue
that Islam is being presented in a wrong light by these acts of zealotry.
The so-called leaders who have incited the young and
simple mountain people to embark on this dangerous course of action,
must be held accountable. What is it if not an act of terrorism to send
thousands of young armed men to block a highway or to cross over into
the war zone of Afghanistan? The government must do all it can to tackle
the two situations firmly but as tactfully as possible.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, October 30
The US secretary of defence Donald Rumsfeld's hint
that nuclear weapons may be used in Afghanistan to overcome Taliban
resistance is an irreprehensible idea that should not have even been
considered. In an interview with CNN the American leader talked about
a plan for using 'small' nuclear weapons if the strategy to drop 5,000
lbs bombs did not produce the desired results. He did not specify what
he meant by 'small' nuclear weapons, but this is immaterial as the use
of nuclear weapons whether small or big are weapons that will push the
world a few steps closer to doomsday.
The conflict in Afghanistan which has been upgraded
from a clash between unequal opponents into a war by deploying high
tech weaponry and twenty first century military strategy, specially
should not even be treated as an ideal theatre for utilising nuclear
weapons. As it is the unending bombing has already caused more damage
than what can be sustained by the ill-starred state, nuclear weapons
will all but totally annihilate it. Although Mr Rumsfeld did not mention
what impact the nuclear weapons could produce, there can be no doubt
that high on the list of the kinds of effect these weapons will have,
will be the count of the level of radiation that will be produced.
Pakistan foreign office rightly voiced the national
reaction when it said 'We firmly and categorically reject even the thought
of using nuclear weapons tactically or otherwise.' There could be no
other way of looking at a proposal that could force the anti-terrorism
coalition members to reconsider their support. Fighting the human form
of terrorism with conventional weapons might be an acceptable option
in the difficult circumstances, but injecting an element of nuclear
warfare into a conflict that is already producing too much death and
misery is unconscionable. Neither the Pakistan government nor the people
will be able to acquiesce to such an idea.
The Bush administration would do well to immediately
contradict the Rumsfeld proposal as it could have serious political
repercussions on the member states. It will be difficult for the governments
to contain the strong emotions the idea could arouse not only because
of its terrible effect on the Afghans but its likely fall out on neighbouring
states.
-- Editorial, The News, Islamabad, October 30
The capture and execution of Commander
Abdul Haq by the Taliban indicates that the United States is investing
in the expertise of former mujahideen warlords to help in attaining
its miscellaneous objectives in Afghanistan. This might be considered
an appropriate policy in an effort to build a credible Pashtoon anti-Taliban
alliance with whatever manpower was available, but there is no certainty
it will succeed, although President Pervez Musharraf has come out with
the strong opinion that Commander Haq's death would not damage the efforts
to put together a broad-based government of Afghans. It appears too
much is being put in store by relying on warriors of yesteryears whose
'success' was achieved only by the quirk of political history, when
the Soviet Union collapsed and Afghanistan was abandoned.
The next phase of the struggle demonstrated the mujahideen
leaders at their best when they ruthlessly fought among themselves over
the spoils of war. This was the worst period which witnessed the most
lawlessness, death and destruction. The last phase involved foreign
intervention, regrouping among the squabbling warlords and the emergence
of two identifiable opponents - the victorious Taliban and the northern
alliance tenaciously holding onto a small slice. Commander Abdul Haq
was allied with the latter. The Americans now intend to use the services
of these 'key' mujahideen guerrilla leaders to pull its chestnuts out
of the fire.
The exact circumstances in which the former commander
secretly slipped into the Taliban hinterland are not known, but his
loss comments poorly on the strategy and intelligence of the anti-terrorism
coalition. It is difficult to see how the efforts to incite anti-Taliban
revolts in various areas will take off when the guerrilla groups tend
have a short shelf life. The fairly obvious reluctance of the two leading
coalition partners - US and UK - to deploy their forces in combat roles
will discourage their Afghan supporters from doing likewise.
In spite of President Bush's declaration that the Americans
are reconciled to accept losses there appears to be no move to initiate
ground action. The extensive and now totally aimless bombing of Afghanistan
by the coalition forces with heavy collateral damage is not troubling
the Taliban, only leading to longer protest processions in foreign countries.
But what was specially bizarre was the decision to change the target
from Bin Laden to the Taliban three weeks into the operation, shaking
the faith of other coalition members in American leadership. Evidently
the Vietnam experience still heavily influences American ability to
translate commitment into practice. Afghanistan with its history of
successful resistance against foreign invaders must be only strengthening
that reluctance.
-- Editorial, The News, Islamabad, October 28
Going by the number of resolutions
passed and the size of the assemblage, the two-day convention of some
1,500 Afghan elders, tribal leaders, mujahideen commanders and notables
at Peshawar can be taken to have been a notable success, but it was
not, for the simple reason that it was ill-timed. What is more, despite
the sizeable attendance, the meeting lacked a representative character
which alone could have invested its proceedings with the force of a
worthy lead to the future political dispensation in Afghanistan. Barring
that, the convention went through the usual motions of debates, discussions
and consensus-building. As expected, the resolutions passed at the meeting
cover a wide range of issues concerning Afghanistan and understandably
focus on the need for accelerating the political process for tackling
the Afghan situation.
One resolution correctly points out that the Anglo-American
military action may result in the fall of the Taliban regime, thereby
creating a political vacuum which may lead to further anarchy and violence.
For that reason, the convention appealed to Afghan factions to stop
fighting and called upon the US and its allies to halt the military
operation in order to pave the way for a political solution. Organized
by the Assembly for Peace and National Unity of Afghanistan (Apnau),
the convention sought the help of the United Nations and the Organization
of Islamic Conference in convening a Loya Jirga to help produce a truly
representative future government for Afghanistan. It also asked former
king Zahir Shah and other "moderate" leaders to play their due role
in a post-war Afghanistan.
It now remains to be seen what impact the Peshawar
proceedings have on the elements and sections of opinion that matter.
As noted earlier, a basic limiting factor is that the convention did
not have a truly representative character. None from the Northern Alliance
was there, nor anyone from among the "moderate Taliban." More important,
Zahir Shah did not choose to send his representative to the conference.
This makes Apnau's claim to be a representative gathering of the Afghan
people unrealistic. In fact, one of Zahir Shah's unnamed supporters,
now in Quetta, termed the Peshawar gathering as a meeting of "fundamentalists
and terrorists." In view of this, one wonders what practical purpose
the convention served in relation to the objectives outlined in its
resolutions.
It is significant that the US had tried to discourage
the holding of such a convention. As Colin Powell informed a House committee,
Pakistani officials had been told that such a meeting would not be wise
at this stage. On the other hand, he pointed out that a more important
Afghan meeting was to take place in Istanbul, and that it was to be
attended, among others, by the representatives of the Northern Alliance.
In fact, one reason for America's reservations about the convention
was the absence of any Northern Alliance representatives at Peshawar.
It is time Pakistan realized the hazards of trying
to unduly influence the course of events in Afghanistan or the process
of government formation there. Ultimately, only a government which enjoys
the support of all major sections of the Afghans themselves will prove
viable. This presupposes a consensus not only among all Afghan factions
but also among Afghanistan's neighbours. So far, very little has been
achieved in this direction. A prolongation of the military operation
without a concurrent political effort is hardly likely to bring peace
to Afghanistan or end the miseries of its people. Wisdom demands that
Pakistan should monitor the Istanbul moot carefully and coordinate its
efforts with Turkey with the common objective of giving Afghanistan
a truly broad-based and neutral government that could fill the post-Taliban
vacuum, ensure peace and initiate the process of reconstruction.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, October 27, 2001
Having killed and maimed hundreds,
if not thousands, of innocent Afghan civilians and caused dislocation
and unimaginable misery to many more, and while continuing with the
increasingly indefensible bombing campaign, US officials have all but
knocked the bottom out of their avowed policy in Afghanistan. The top
US priority was to get Osama Bin Laden ('dead or alive'), eliminate
his Al-Qaeda network and demolish the terrorist camps. Removal of the
Taliban was added on when the militia refused to hand over Bin Laden
without first seeing reliable evidence.
Now US defence secretary Rumsfeld, the ultra-hawk leading
the US charge, tells us that Bin Laden may never be found! America's
Enemy No 1, he said, has there sources to disappear among his many supporters
in many countries. How has this wisdom now dawned on the Pentagon wizards?
Did they expect him to be sitting atop a mountain, waving to the first
smart-bomb? Why was the indiscriminate bombing started without first
gathering reliable intelligence? Or, is there substance in the view
that Bin Laden is only a pretext and the US, in fact, seeks a pliable
regime in Afghanistan and a permanent presence in oil-rich Central Asia?
To confound the confusion, Rear Admiral John Stufflebeem
of the US military operations directorate informed the press that the
so called Al-Qaeda network would continue to work even if Bin Laden
was "gone tomorrow." Why, then, is the US destroying Afghanistan? How
will the civilian carnage help its strategic interests, whatever these
may be? Unless the Rumsfeld bombshell is intended to throw Bin Laden
off guard, which seems unlikely, it has made it very difficult for US-supporters
to answer these questions and to defend its blood-soaked Afghan campaign.
It must also add to the discomfiture of US allies, like Pakistan, where
the mounting death toll in Afghanistan could rapidly erode public acceptance
for the bombing campaign.
On top of that, the US is beginning to admit that the
Taliban are proving to be harder nuts to crack than anticipated. They
have neither been cowed by the daily doses of bombs nor bought off by
the money-bags that must be going around. In fact they have sent a chilling
and stunning message to all pro-Zahir Shah activists by the summary
execution of one of the opposition leaders, Commander Maulvi Abdul Haq,
who ventured into Afghanistan seeking defectors in Taliban ranks. All
this makes a mockery of those entrusted with the task of crafting a
post-Taliban outfit for Afghanistan. As the Zahir Shah-sponsored Loya
Jirga waxes and wanes, the US is obviously finding it difficult to juggle
the conflicting interests and changing positions not only of the Afghan
factions but also of its neighbours and regional powers. The UN representative,
Mr Lakhdar Brahimi, will surprise many by conjuring up a consensus.
There simply are too many fingers groping for the Afghan pie and beyond.
Understandably, therefore, the US leadership is covering its political
flanks by preparing the Americans for an indefinite war. But this puts
it at odds with frontline allies like Pakistan which cannot sustain
the heat if civilians continue to die in Afghanistan. Secretary Rumsfeld's
confession, thus, becomes a vote for a timeout to rethink US tactics
and strategy in Afghanistan.
-- Editorial, The News, Islamabad, October 27
Islamabad has done well to ask the
Taliban government not to allow or encourage Pakistanis to join the
Afghan forces or acquire training there. This has come in the wake of
reports that a number of Pakistanis had been killed in the American
air strikes. While the Foreign Office's advice to the Taliban government
is welcome, one must ponder the reasons why the situation has reached
a point where the concern on this score has to be taken up officially
with Kabul. Basically, things have come to this pass over a period of
more than two decades, which have seen a gradual erosion of state authority
vis-a-vis the activities of elements operating across the Durand Line.
This state of affairs proved to be of advantage to the militant parties
and groups which had played a key role in the anti-Soviet war in Afghanistan.
An additional factor in that context was the overwhelming
US interest in seeing the Soviets out of Afghanistan and the massive
pressure, prodding and material help it pressed into achieving this
objective. In the process many lines of distinction and differentiation
between state authority and the diverse elements drawn into that conflict
got blurred and many others ignored. In any case, it was a zero-sum
game, and the ultimate loser has been state authority vis-a-vis religious
militants. Helping the people of Afghanistan in their freedom struggle
was one thing; letting some religious organizations run the show themselves
quite another.
The man who created this frankenstein was Ziaul Haq.
He let them open training camps and recruit Pakistanis for the 'holy
war' against the Soviet Union without realizing that one day these groups
and organizations would become a government within a government. As
time passed and the military dictatorship gave way to democratic regimes,
the militant outfits went completely out of government control.
In fact, at one stage, some religious parties were
running their own Afghan policies and were in a position to defy the
government because of the strength and self-righteous spirit and approach
of their militias. Whatever little bit of sanity was left in our Afghan
policy ended when some intelligence agencies became deeply involved
in the Afghan civil war and began encouraging madrassah students to
drive out the warring Mujahideen factions in Afghanistan and capture
power themselves.
Since then, encouraged by the Taliban victories in
Afghanistan, jihadi organizations in Pakistan have attempted to assert
their power. This showed in the display of arms, in arming the students
of the madrassahs and in using them as militias to browbeat opponents
and defy the law enforcement agencies. They also openly collected funds
for the Taliban, ran training camps and recruited Pakistani youths to
fight the Taliban's war against the Northern Alliance. While doing this
they cared little for what the government of the day thought, said or
did.
In the present situation, too, Pakistani volunteers
have continued to cross into Afghanistan. Obviously, the situation cannot
be reversed immediately, especially at this time when emotions are running
high over the happenings in Afghanistan. Nevertheless, the government
has taken some sensible steps and their effect is already visible. For
instance, the anti-government rallies have been - barring some exceptions
- quite peaceful.
Similarly, arms are no more on display at the rallies.
This gradual assertion of governmental authority and the process of
reining in the militias should continue. Some of the religious parties
involved in the anti-Soviet war may be quite well-meaning, but many
of them have tasted the heady brew of street power and on occasions
feel strong enough to defy the government's writ.
Faced with such tendencies and the possibilities that
they portend in certain configurations of factors and circumstances
critically affecting the state of civil society and rule of law, the
government has perforce to act and assert its authority. It is a difficult
task, but no one should be allowed to entertain the notion that he was
above the law and that it is the writ of the government that shall prevail.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, October 26, 2001
Proposals for a broad-based Afghan
government in the post-Taliban period are being made left, right and
centre. There was an assemblage of some Afghan notables in Peshawar
the other day that was meant to pave the way for ex-King Zahir Shah
to help unite and preserve Afghanistan. This meeting was notable for
who did not attend rather than who did. Even representatives of the
ex-king were not there.
The foreigners are not lacking in enthusiasm for pitching
in with their own ideas. That these reflect the larger purpose of each
power goes without saying. However, US secretary of state Colin Powell
has made it quite clear that the next government of Afghanistan cannot
be dictated into existence by Pakistan or any of the other neighbours.
He has told a Congressional Committee that the new government has to
come into existence because of the will of the Afghan people, the deposed
king has a role to play, and the Loya Jirga will have a role to play
in due course.
Mr Powell conceded that Pakistan has more than a passing
interest in what that government might look like, because it is so proximate
to it and has to bear the burden of a couple of million Afghans in Pakistani
refugee camps. According to Mr Powell, President Pervez Musharraf recognises
that he cannot and Pakistan cannot do it the way it was done in the
past. It has to be an internationally blessed process, and it has to
involve the UN and involve all the Afghan people, not just who they
might favour at a particular moment to put into power in Kabul.
Dignitaries from the UK and other foreign countries
are arriving in Islamabad in fairly large numbers carrying their own
proposals. Among them are the Turks, the Saudis, the UN and many others.
That makes for the danger of confusion being confounded.
Doubtless Pakistanis have their own interests because
they are the closest neighbours of Afghanistan with far too many commonalties,
including divided tribes and families straddling the frontier. Shorn
of verbiage, Islamabad would now like a part of the next Afghan government
to include some 'moderate' Taliban, representing the Pashtoons. Americans
and British have verbally conceded this 'right'.
It might tie up with some of their purposes, though
it is being made to appear as if a favour was being done to Pakistan,
despite the expression being used: 'Pakistan has a legitimate interest
in the new government.' In the plethora of interests by other powers,
hard facts need to remain in focus: First, the decisive say shall remain
with the US and secondly, US will make any concession, only if it serves
its larger interest. In this second category are included the rights
of the Afghans themselves.
The Chinese have perhaps made the best suggestion,
that the Afghans be granted the right of self-determination. For all
democrats, this is unexceptionable. But it clearly involves the primacy
to the Afghans and their perception of their own interests--if only
these can be satisfactorily ascertained--over everyone else's strategic
and other purposes. Suggesting primacy to the ideas and purposes of
the Afghans by outsiders is one thing and what the military victors--or
those who perceive themselves as the victors--do is quite another. Wars
are generally all about subordinating the interests of the vanquished
to those of the victors. Would this war be an exception to this rule
only coming events will show.
There is almost a global consensus that the war against
both terrorism, and specifically Taliban's Afghanistan, be conducted
under the UN leadership, the assumption being that the UN would at least
be one step removed from purely American political and strategic purposes.
Ideally the UN should have been a democratic organisation that it is
not, because it happens to have become a handmaiden to chiefly the US
interests. But the world has to deal with what it has, relying mainly
on international opinion. The US seems to have accepted some of the
commonly suggested notions of an international peace force under UN
banner, comprising only Third World Muslim countries like Turkey and
Bangladesh.
This is good insofar as it goes. Finally, everything
will depend on the small print that will eventually determine the overall
objectives that these troops will be required to achieve. Which is where
international opinion again comes in to influence the US purposes for
accommodating as much of the Afghans' self determination right as possible.
This is the only hope.
- Editorial, The News, Islamabad, October 26
Amid apprehensions that the US is
losing its way in Afghanistan, Pentagon officials remain adamant that
their bombing campaign is going according to the plan. This is obviously
not true because causing a civilian carnage cannot be a part of the
US game plan. Yet, according to news reports, the civilian death toll
has already crossed the thousand mark. The US officials continue to
declare the Taliban claims as "outright lies" and later, while disputing
the number of dead but without giving any alternate body count, blame
the bloodbath on "stray bombs." "Regrets" are also offered.
Unfortunately, too many deadly "errors" have occurred
in less than three weeks of bombing to be swept aside so easily. The
ICRC and UN's de-mining offices were hit in Kabul early on. Then an
entire Khouran village near Jalalabad was wiped out, at the alleged
cost of nearly 200 mostly women, children and old men. Now other villages
near Kandahar are reported to have been blasted, killing over a hundred
people and wounding others. In addition, one hundred patients, doctors,
paramedics, etc are said to have died when a hospital near Herat was
struck. After the initial denial, the Pentagon manufactured the bizarre
explanation that a stray bomb, which fell in a field, "may have" struck
an "old people's home." Anyone who knows anything about Afghanistan
would know that it has never had any such "homes." Outlandish explanations
like this not only erode US credibility but also make people in this
part of the world wonder whether America's gung-ho warriors know anything
at all about the country and the society they are demolishing and planning
to build anew.
There being few independent sources of information,
the exact number of civilian dead and wounded may be less or more. But
this number crunching cannot obfuscate the hard fact that the human
cost of the bombing is becoming unbearable. For the US officials to
say that they are not targeting civilians does not diminish the tragic
fact that they are dying, and in large numbers. The images of little
bodies being wrapped in shrouds are leaving behind indelible emotional
scars. And we cannot even begin to imagine the agony of those whose
children they were. If the whole world's remorse and regrets could not
lessen America's pain at the loss of innocent lives in New York and
Washington DC, the callous regrets of US officials can certainly not
diminish the pain of the Afghans.
The US bombing campaign is in deep trouble indeed.
It is neither bringing the alleged terrorists to justice nor taking
justice to them, as was vowed by President Bush. It is, instead, compounding
the Afghans' misery by destroying their homes and the already meagre
civic facilities. It is also killing far more civilians than the alleged
terrorists. If it continues much longer, the US and UK will never be
able to repair the emotional damage being suffered by the Afghans even
if they rebuild their country and polity. And who knows how many young
minds are being seared across the Muslim world by the unfolding Afghan
tragedy?
-- Editorial, The News, Islamabad, October 25, 2001
One major question that must occupy
the minds of the leading figures of the world coalition against terrorism
is the kind of government a post-Taliban Afghanistan should have. Given
the country's history in the wake of the Soviet pullout, the question
assumes crucial importance and is directly related to the aim of the
current military campaign against terrorism.
When the Soviets left, the victorious Mujahideen leaders
failed to stick together and give Afghanistan peace and a stable government.
Instead, the erstwhile Mujahideen leaders turned into feuding warlords,
each fighting ferociously for his and his factional share of power and
land. The resulting fratricide killed thousands of more civilians, ruined
Afghan cities, worsened an already impoverished economy and forced hundreds
of thousands of Afghans to seek shelter in Pakistan.
The emergence of the Taliban on the scene in the mid-nineties
and their amazing military victories brought most of Afghanistan under
their control, but the Northern Alliance, confined to a pocket, has
till today continued its war on the Taliban. The result has been more
misery for the Afghan people. A study of the causes of this fratricide
is of direct relevance to the situation in the region now.
Afghanistan is a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual country.
While the Pashtoons are the largest ethnic group, the minorities taken
together form an overall majority. Under the royalty, the government
was stable, because it gave representation to all of the country's ethnic
groups. A major weakness of the Taliban regime is its predominantly
Pashtoon character, for the Uzbek, Tajik and Hazara groups are not represented
in it. The result has been an unending civil war.
A foreign office spokesman in Islamabad has done well
to make Pakistan's position on the issue clear. While Islamabad does
have some reservations about the Northern Alliance, it has shown realism
by affirming that a post-Taliban government must include some Alliance
nominees.
Similarly, Pakistan made it clear that such a government
should also have Taliban elements in it. More important, Islamabad pointed
out the unwisdom of imposing a government from the outside. As history
has shown, the Afghans will never accept a government in whose making
they do not have a hand. For this reason, the convening of a Loya Jirga
deserves the world coalition's attention. While it is not an elected
forum, it is a grand assembly of tribal leaders.
Traditionally, a decision by a Loya Jirga has invariably
been accepted by all sections of the Afghan people. In the situation
now obtaining in Afghanistan, a Loya Jirga alone can play a decisive
role in giving the country a stable government. Such a government will
be the Afghan people's own and will command the loyalty and support
it will need to restore peace and stability.
As Afghanistan's neighbour, Pakistan has a stake in
the kind of dispensation Afghanistan will have after the military operations
are over. In case there is instability or a continued civil war, Pakistan
will invariably be drawn in - a prospect that Islamabad cannot view
with equanimity. As a front-line state and as a vital member of the
world coalition against terrorism, Pakistan must make its viewpoint
on the issue clear to the United States and its principal allies. The
good thing is that Washington has shown a proper understanding of Islamabad's
concerns.
Without doubt, only a broad-based government representing
all the ethnic communities can bring peace and stability to Afghanistan
and start the task of post-war reconstruction and rehabilitation.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, October 25, 2001
The high-level meeting held in Quetta
on Saturday to reiterate the federal government's policy not to allow
fresh Afghan refugees into Pakistan evidently was totally ignorant of
the ground situation. Even as the provincial governor was chairing the
meeting, it is quite likely that refugees could be pouring into the
country, specially in Balochistan through the Chaman gateway. The print
and electronic media almost daily carry reports of the unending human
flood. The federal government has still to enunciate its policy on Afghan
refugees in clear language, as different from the vague declarations
that are not respected even by the government departments. The occasional
random steps to close the gates at Torkham and Chaman to all fresh arrivals
are not expected to last beyond the time it takes the UNHCR to set up
new refugee camps and stock up provisions for the inflow at the doorway.
The difficulties Pakistan faces are not only its commitment to uphold
the various international conventions it has signed, but realisation
of the humanitarian disaster in making on the other side of the border.
But, while Islamabad's compulsions are understandable,
what also needs to be realised is that Balochistan, which seems to be
receiving the bulk of the refugees, is in no position to bear the burden.
It has still not fully recovered from the effects of the prolonged drought
which translates into very limited water and other resources. Besides,
unlike other provinces, Balochistan lacks sufficient infrastructure
to cater to the needs of the new arrivals much less its own population.
Encumbering the limited resources will only lead to making life more
miserable for all.
Another issue that needs to be taken into consideration
is that the delicate population ratio of various communities will be
disturbed with serious consequences. Most of the Afghans who entered
the province during the 1980s have shown no interest in returning to
their country with the Taliban in power. Their numbers will swell with
the fresh arrivals who will be even less inclined to go back to a country
which has been pushed back at least two centuries in time. This definitely
means upsetting the existing Baloch-Pashtun population ratio.
The centre apparently is unable to fully appreciate
the physical and political problems the Afghan refugees create in the
province. While the politicians remain sidelined, the existing set-up
which comprises a governor and a clutch of civil and military bureaucrats
cannot reflect the views, opinion and thinking of the locals which goes
by default. The abject lack of raucous political opinion can be misread
as popular support with the result that even well-meaning decisions
can have an adverse impact.
-- Editorial, The News, Islamabad, October 22, 2001
A resentful population and an unstable
government in Afghanistan is Pakistan's worst nightmare. To obviate
these, President Musharraf has been emphasising a brief and well-targeted
bombing campaign and, simultaneously, a fast-track crafting of the political
alternative. But the way things are shaping up, a relentless and sometimes
wayward US-UK bombardment, mounting civilian casualties, an alarming
humanitarian crisis and no sign of the "broad-based" alternative to
the Taliban, Pakistan's nightmare may well come true. The latest shock
was administered by Mr Lakhdar Brahimi, the newly re-appointed UN representative
for Afghanistan. The UN Security Council is reported to have agreed
with him that there is no quick-fix to the Afghan crisis, the UN should
not rush in with its troops and administration and extreme care must
be exercised in finding the "least bad" option for the unfortunate country.
Mr Brahimi would prefer to bring the warring Afghan factions together
to hammer out a solution and let the UN do whatever is then necessary
in the light of their government.
Mr Brahimi has extensive experience of Afghanistan
and his insight into the Afghan psyche cannot be faulted. History is
witness that the Afghans will not accept an imposed solution. But, unfortunately,
they are also notorious for not agreeing on one for themselves. The
immediate question this raises is about the bombing campaign. The US
seems confident that its continuation is necessary to degrade the Taliban's
fighting capabilities. But with no political alternative in sight, it
is not even willing to facilitate and advance by the opposition Northern
Alliance. This dilemma is compounded by increasing international criticism
of the bombing which has caused unimaginable misery to the Afghans.
While the international relief agencies have called for a break in the
bombing to let them deliver food supplies before winter snows close
off distant villages, Muslim members of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
have used the Shanghai meeting to call for an early end to the bombing.
The misery of the Afghans is indeed fuelling resentment in the Muslim
world, especially because the US has been unable to rein in Israel and
to knock sense into India.
In addition to a welling popular resentment, Pakistan's
precarious economy is hit by a slackening trade and an increasing Afghan
influx. The annual loss is estimated at 10 billion dollars. Yet, the
immense political and economic risks taken by the Pakistan government
in supporting the anti-terrorism campaign have not found a commensurate
quid pro quo. The US, European Union and Japan need to realise that
what will turn the silent majority is whether a debt-write off is forthcoming
or not. While better trade opportunities and loan rescheduling are important,
to the people nothing less than a debt write-off will signal sincerity.
If this does not come about, the government will find it very difficult
to carry the people much longer. Meanwhile, the US-UK need to halt the
bombing to let the relief agencies distribute food and medicines in
Afghanistan. This moratorium can also be used for finalising the elusive
political alternative
-- Editorial, The News, Islamabad, October 20, 2001
Musharraf’s battle to reshape Pakistan
is a lonely one", says Time magazine. "No political party
backs him: he has consistently poured scorn on the parties’ established
leaders. His anti-corruption drive, his jailing of politicians for abuse
of authority, his categorical statements that he wants to introduce
a new political class at the expense of the old, have all alienated
established politicos who see him only as a threat".
Time magazine is half right. General Musharraf is attempting
to navigate "the toughest job in the world" at the moment
without an effective political crew. But not all established politicos
see him as a threat. For whatever it’s worth, the anti-Nawaz PML is
clutching at his coattails. But its members are more anti-Nawaz than
pro-Musharraf. They are also fractured and leaderless. Many are still
too ideologically straitjacketed for comfort in the daring new dispensation.
Nor have they risked their necks in publicly denouncing the Taliban
and welcoming the international intervention in Afghanistan against
extremist jihadi elements. In fact, all have dithered, demanding "evidence"
of Osama bin Laden’s complicity in the September 11 attacks. And not
one has stood up to admit that Osama bin Laden long ago confessed his
enmity with America and vowed to wage jihad against " civilian
and military targets in America".
The stunning exception is former prime minister Benazir
Bhutto. She has not prevaricated or minced her words. Long before this
crisis burst upon Pakistan, she was openly rebuking the Taliban and
urging General Musharraf to change course in Afghanistan. Indeed, she
is the one Pakistani politician who has braved public sentiment at home
by openly calling Osama bin Laden a terrorist. Now she has lent unconditional
support to General Musharraf and parted company with many colleagues
in the ARD who are either sitting on the fence or openly condemning
General Musharraf. She says she has put aside her personal predicament
"in the national interest" – the Musharraf regime is seeking
to oust her from politics, albeit unsuccessfully, while her husband
has been in prison for five years without a conviction. Like her, General
Musharraf has also risked his all for the sake of Pakistan. It may be
recalled that when, in a meeting with senior editors last month, one
self-righteous "guardian of Pakistan" advised him to "be
a hero and defy America", General Musharraf shamed him into silence
by saying he would rather be an anti-hero and save Pakistan.
Therefore much the same sort of reasoning should now
nudge General Musharraf away from the "accountability policies"
that have politically isolated him in the country. In fact, he should
quickly build a viable political coalition in order to shield himself
and his new policies from attack by misguided, confused, bigoted or
vested interests.
The Friday Times remains fiercely opposed to corruption
and abuse of power in government. It targeted former prime ministers
Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto and paid a price for its principles.
It is still stoutly pro-accountability. But there comes a time when
the principal contradiction in the life of a country should be identified
and resolved while shelving all other considerations. And that moment
has arrived. The core contradiction today is not between corruption
and accountability. It is not between dictatorship and democracy. It
is between fundamentalist national isolation and liberal global outreach.
And in this context, Ms Bhutto and the Peoples Party, despite their
misdemeanours and misjudgments, are natural allies of General Musharraf.
Therefore they should be politically rehabilitated as soon as possible
in the national interest.
Of course, people will advise General Musharraf to
spurn political alliances and go it alone, counting only on his army
and new-found friends in the West. But that would be a grave mistake.
Recall the exits of Sadaat of Egypt, Zia of Pakistan, Noriega of Panama,
Pinochet of Chile, Suharto of Indonesia and countless other dictators
who could not be "saved", or were abandoned, by the West when
the chips at home were down. But there is a yet more compelling reason
to play politics urgently.
In 1996, President Farooq Leghari sacked Bhutto and
singled her out for accountability. Result: Nawaz Sharif obtained a
two-thirds majority, got rid of Leghari and went berserk. In 1999, General
Musharraf seized power and forced Sharif and Bhutto into exile. Result:
political isolation at home. But general elections are within sight.
If mainstream moderate politicians and parties are sidelined, a dangerous
vacuum will be created. Pakistanis might then vent their rage at America
by sweeping the fundamentalists and anti-West elements into office.
Then the Pakistani army and its chief will find themselves in the same
untenable situation as Algeria and Turkey without the will or inclination
to act in a forceful and overtly secular manner. That would spell a
greater national disaster than the disaster General Pervez Musharraf
has just averted.
General Pervez Musharraf says elections will not be
postponed. That is good because there is no alternative to democracy.
But it would be heartening if he were to cobble an alliance with liberal,
forward-looking politicians so that his daring and patriotic national
initiatives can lead to a free and progressive Pakistan.
-- Editorial, The Friday Times, Lahore, October
19, 2001
The drama of unprovoked firing staged by the Indians
across the LoC and the working boundary for the last two days in which
one woman died carried a message, not for Pakistan but the US, that
India had declared war on 'infiltrators' in Kashmir. At the same time
the newly re-appointed Indian defence minister George Fernandes extended
a strong warning that India will deal ruthlessly with 'infiltrators.'
The shelling was understandably timed to coincide with US secretary
of state Colin Powell's visit to the region. The first incident took
place the moment the American leader stepped on Pakistani soil. The
next when he reached India, the firing taking place in spite of US President
Mr Bush's request to India and Pakistan to 'stand down' after the first
occurrence.
While Pakistan has done well to send a clear message
to India that no nonsense will be tolerated and has put its armed forces
on high alert, it is not clear what Mr Colin Powell read in the shelling.
But it is unlikely to divert his attention from his mission to the region
to get the two quarrelling neighbours to focus their attention on Afghanistan.
America can ill-afford the luxury of another serious collision in South
Asia when it is already heavily involved on the periphery of the region.
But this would not imply that the two incidents were staged in vain,
as Delhi needed some sort of a platform to enunciate its position on
its part of occupied Kashmir. The recent happenings, one of which was
particularly condemnable has rocked the defence and security establishment
raising calls for meaningful action.
Introducing an element of provocative conflict in the
existing tension along the LoC and working boundary is evidently India's
solution to the Kashmir dispute. But it is unlikely that such a prescription
will do anything beyond pushing the two sides to a war-like situation.
This is the moral provided from earlier occasions when local clashes
were allowed to graduate into a virtual war. It is to be seen how far
Delhi will go in the present complex international situation. It is
not only Pakistan but also India which has meekly rallied to America's
side in its "war against terrorism" and is expected to follow the rules
till the "war" continues.
It would be better if India moved a little further
than its present rigid position on Kashmir and opened a dialogue with
Pakistan. As even sworn enemies are known to talk when the need arises,
there is no reason why the two neighbours cannot meet again like they
did at the Agra summit only a few months ago.
-- Editorial, The News, Islamabad, October
18, 2001
The US Secretary of State Colin
Powell came to Islamabad on Monday, negotiated with Pakistan government
matters of mutual interest and went on to do the same in New Delhi on
Tuesday. His main purpose was to strengthen the anti-Osama and anti-Taliban
alliance that the US Administration has cobbled together. He had other
subsidiary objectives in view as well.
Powell wanted and received a positive reply from President
Pervez Musharraf on re-establishing Pakistan-America ties on a more
permanent and stable footing. That will boost mutual cooperation. Military-to-military
ties between them are to be restored. Pakistani military officers can
again be trained in American military schools and training establishments.
The US has always laid emphasis on training foreign military cadets
and personnel in the US military institutions because many of them are
expected to go on to play leading roles in the governance of their respective
countries. Nationalistic cynics have made snide remarks that that sort
of relationship enables the US undercover agencies to recruit useful
moles and informers. Any way much else is a part of this: long held
up military supplies might start flowing again; many, not all, sanctions
will be, or are being, lifted and one can almost hear the inaudible
and unsaid promise of military aid if, say things go on improving.
Powell dwelt on the need for shoring up Pakistan economy.
He mentioned a specific figure of $393 million. He belied the much expected
prediction that he would unfold an attractive aid package when the two
delegations meet. But, apparently in a restrainedly positive frame of
mind, he has promised that once back home he would ask the relevant
departments and officials to examine what can the US do for Pakistan
both directly and through the military agencies. In this context he
showed he realised how serious is the burden of debts on Pakistan economy.
They will seek to reduce it through more credits and debt rescheduling,
though there was no mention of debt write-offs, which is the only real
way of giving a breathing space to Pakistan economy to restart the engines
of growth. This only shows the extreme caution with which the Americans
are treating Pakistan. They would draw up the aid package after they
consider Pakistan President's reply regarding their future ties. We
hope the aid package will break some new ground because old aid packages,
especially of 1980s have left a taste of sand in Pakistani mouths. The
American dignitary also realised how serious is the refugee inflow in
Pakistan and how necessary it is that the new, hopefully temporary,
hosts are helped who are hard up themselves.
But it is on political questions that Pakistanis have
been left guessing, the diplomatic nuances of the statements made apart.
On the future set up of Afghanistan, Mr Powell, with practiced ease,
had already laid down the limits of what his hosts need expect from
him and what might be unrealistic to hope through a well-timed press
briefing in his aeroplane that brought him to Islamabad on Monday evening.
The US, Powell had authoritatively declared, has not given Pakistan
or India a veto on what sort of next government for Afghanistan is to
be. True to this policy, Powell did not commit himself on either some
sanitised Taliban becoming a part of the new 'broad-based' government
or whether the US will or will not militarily help the Northern Alliance
to win. All this is the domain of the Boss (US); smaller fry (Pakistan)
need not worry. But Mr Powell was eloquent about what a broad-based
Afghan government should imply and verbally he seemed to concede what
many wanted to hear. But alas! There was no commitment to any particular
proposition.
Some Pakistanis are likely to become rapturous over
President George W Bush's brusque ukase to India and Pakistan to "stand
down in Kashmir" while the US is engaged in its "activities" in Afghanistan.
Powell also said so many sweet things on Kashmir, including a resolution
of the problem according to the wishes of the Kashmiris and that Kashmir
was the central issue. His homilies on human rights could only touch
the right chord in Pakistan hearts. But what precisely is Powell going
to say in New Delhi?
Doubtless it is in US interest to see the military
tensions in Kashmir subside and Pakistan and India resume their talks.
These are the inherently dangerous implications of an old and bitter
dispute between two nuclear powers. Doubtless, Powell will urge upon
PM Vajpayee and a restored George Fernandes to cool it and not come
in the way of the Bush campaign in Afghanistan. To what does all this
amount? The US is after all an outside power that dare not offer mediation
to New Delhi. The American concern about Kashmir subsides when it comes
to annoying the Indian establishment. We see no reason why should Pakistanis
go gaga on Powell's concerns about Kashmiris' human rights violations.
Let them worry more about the limits, if any, of the real cooperation
America desires and what will happen if Pakistanis were to extend it?
-- Editorial, The News, Islamabad, October
17, 2001
Monday was yet another day of shut
down… This was a part of continuing protests against America's war over
Afghanistan on a call of religious parties, some Jihadi organisations
and the recently formed Defence of Afghanistan Council … in equal measure
a protest against the Musharraf regime… To protest … is a valuable fundamental
right. No government can be justified in cancelling or abridging it.
Nor do we recommend … While the citizens' right to protest is sacred,
its rational defence and the pre-conditions on which it can remain secure,
need to be realised both by the citizens and the leaders.
… In Pakistan's shut downs, ordinary persons belonging
to weaker sections suffer horribly. Don't the leaders know that Pakistan's
rulers do not suffer as much embarrassment as they think? … Can't our
leaders learn how protest marches and rallies are organised in democracies
without undue losses or inconvenience to most people?
As usual there were incidents of unnecessary rowdiness…
Both protestors and police show an undesirable tendency to violence
at the slightest provocation. It is sad that there are so few 'hartals'
and protests where tyres are not burnt on thoroughfares and police does
not wield the stick.
This occasion required, from the viewpoint of those
who mistakenly but passionately side with the Taliban, to register protest.
But it is obvious that the distinguished visitor, in this case US Secretary
of State Colin Powell, should get the full message without unbecoming
disorder … We in Pakistan claim to be inheritors of an old civilisation…
Representatives of foreign powers need to be extended a modicum of personal
respect and citizens should convey the necessary messages regarding
popular feelings on matters of high import. We do not recommend unnecessary
obsequiousness or timidity. A spade must be called a spade. But, Pakistanis
should not be seen as crude boors who, in the name of protest, bring
out their baser instincts.
-- Editorial, The News, Islamabad, October
16, 2001
America's rejection of the Taliban's
offer to hand over Osama bin Laden to a third country is both hasty
and abrupt … even more unfortunate is that Washington does not seem
to have taken note of a definite shift in the Taliban policy on the
Osama issue… [Reading] Taliban deputy leader's remarks [will help] …
realize that a conciliatory approach is clearly visible there. The remarks,
surprisingly, reflected a bit of nostalgia, for Maulvi Abdul Kabir asked
Washington to remember the days when Afghanistan and the US were allies
against Soviet occupation.
The offer … over Osama … also indicates a change in
the Taliban's previous stand, which had restricted the handing over
only to a Muslim country. In fact, in their latest policy pronouncement
on the issue, the Taliban have not ruled out any possibility … Kabir
said, "It can be negotiated provided the US gives us evidence that the
Taliban are assured that the country (to which Osama would be turned
over) is neutral and will not be influenced by the United States."
This is by no means an unfair demand where the question
of justice is concerned. This naturally cannot be ensured in the prevailing
atmosphere of hatred and prejudice in America... Yet, a White House
spokeswoman … [said]: "The president has made it clear there will be
no negotiations."
… if talks are not the recognized method of resolving
a dispute or differences, what else is? This rigidity of approach is
most unfortunate [especially] … since … the Taliban have resiled from
their original position… Today, they are offering to hand over Osama
to a third country not necessarily Muslim and also hold talks on this
and other related issues. Why must, then, the US insist that Osama be
handed over to it only? … a fair trial … will surely be served better
in a country other than the US.
There is the example of the Lockerbie trial. After
years of refusal to hand over the suspects to Britain, Libya finally
agreed that the trial be held in a country other than Britain. Finally,
the trial was held in Holland. It was a trial open to all, including
the media, and the suspects were given a fair chance to defend themselves.
Ultimately, they were convicted. The same process can be followed in
Osama's case too.
Handing over Osama to the US runs the risk of the trial
turning into a media circus. Besides, trials in America are conducted
by a jury consisting of common citizens with no knowledge of law. Moreover,
so much has been said and written against Osama that an American jury
is unlikely to maintain the fairness and impartiality expected of it
in a trial like this. Clearly, if America's aim is a fair and impartial
trial, then in the given circumstances a country other than the US is
the logical option for meeting the ends of justice.
The trial should be open, and, of course, the prosecutors
would be Americans, because they alone are in possession of the evidence
needed to establish culpability in the Twin Tower and Pentagon bombing
cases. The third country would not necessarily provide judges; it would
merely be the host. The judges could come from some other countries.
For reasons of justice and fairness and to avoid further military action,
the US would do well to reconsider its position on the offer made by
the Taliban and make a positive response to it.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, October 16, 2001
Eight days after unleashing a relentless
barrage of bombardment on Afghanistan, the US-led anti-terrorism coalition
remains curiously silent about the number of casualties involved in
these attacks … US spokesmen claim… not to have any reliable information.
Most western television networks and news agencies have also failed
to provide any reliable statistics, relying chiefly on Taliban sources
for their information.
This virtual silence has been deeply unsettling for
those seeking independent accounts … According to the Taliban, more
than 250 civilians have so far lost their lives in the bombing …
As usual, US spokesmen denied all knowledge of any
casualties during this particular {Jalalabad] raid, only stating that
if any civilian deaths did occur they were accidental and regrettable.
A categorical confirmation or denial, however, was not forthcoming.
The Taliban, meanwhile, were able to gain political mileage out of the
incident and accused the US and its allies of a callous attitude and
of deliberately targeting civilians. The coalition needs to answer some
pertinent questions about its policy of silence on this vital issue.
It is somewhat strange that with all its sophisticated
know-how about the location of terrorist camps and hide-outs, the US
is unable to assess the damage done by its raids. It cannot be unaware
of the possibility that large civilian casualties could undermine the
entire operation by alienating important sections of its painstakingly
built coalition. Rather than encouraging the growing belief that they
are engaged in a cover-up, it would be wiser if the US and its allies
came clean about the precise number of casualties… The anti-terrorism
coalition should realize that in the absence of hard news, wild rumours
and speculation will fill the vacuum.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, October 15, 2001
Mr Vajpayee's threat that India intends
to step up its offensive in occupied Kashmir … cannot but cause widespread
concern … at Varanasi, the Indian prime minister said that an offensive
might be launched after "considering all options." …
The Sept 11 carnage in the US has changed the world
environment the way few incidents in recent times have. With evidence
pointing to Osama bin Laden and his Al Qaeda … the world community had
hoped that the Taliban regime would turn over the suspects … However,
the Taliban's refusal to do so has left the US-led world coalition with
no option but to take military action. Pakistan, being Afghanistan's
neighbour, is a key member of this world coalition against terrorism.
… Pakistan offered to cooperate fully with the international
community for the fight against terrorism … to share intelligence with
the US and Britain and to provide logistic support… This Pakistan did
in spite of opposition from Islamist hardliners within the country…
Apparently, India has been peeved by the fact that, while Pakistan is
now the focus of world attention, India has been sidelined and ignored.
The hurt seems to be deeper because, even before anyone had asked for
it, India had offered logistic support to the US-led coalition.
India also seems frustrated over the world community's
refusal to link Islamabad to the terrorist attacks in the US and to
see a parallel between what happened in New York and Washington and
what has been going on in Kashmir over the last eleven years or so.
The Anglo-American leadership has clearly told the Indian leaders that
whatever was going on in Afghanistan had nothing to do with the Kashmir
issue. No wonder, then, that in desperation India should try to raise
the level of violence in Kashmir to draw the world community's attention
to its supposed plight … The world coalition will not allow India to
divert its attention from the pursuit of the war… Whatever mischief
India may do in Kashmir, it will not find any helpers. Besides, as a
Foreign Office spokesman said on Thursday, Pakistan is ready to face
any situation and repulse aggression. One hopes New Delhi would not
attempt any mischief while Islamabad and the world community are engaged
in the fight against terrorism in Afghanistan.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, October 13, 2001
… In a joint statement issued on Wednesday at Doha,
the foreign ministers of the OIC… came out strongly against a possible
expansion of the current US-led campaign against terrorism.
… to include some other states. Who these other states
can be is obvious - they will be Muslim, especially those that America
has labelled "rogue states." No wonder, the foreign ministers' emergency
meeting rejected the idea that any other Muslim country be targeted
"under the pretext of the fight against terrorism." … the Iraqi foreign
minister told the meeting that the US may use the occasion to "take
vengeance against the Iraqi people."
An enlargement of the present military offensive against
Afghanistan is too frightening to visualize. Its consequences would
be terrifying in terms of a massive outbreak of anger and fury all over
the Muslim world, besides putting the unity and cohesion of the world
coalition against terrorism under severe strain. America and Britain
should know that many Muslim states have agreed to join the fold as
a matter of principle despite stiff opposition from large sections of
their populations.
In Pakistan, specially, Islamic hard-liners have been
vocal in their opposition … to … support … the US. The same is true
of many Muslim, specially Arab, countries … Already, the US is highly
unpopular in the Arab world because of its support to Israel on the
Palestinian issue and its tacit approval of Tel Aviv's policy of ruthless
suppression of the Palestinians.
… In Afghanistan's case, however, the Muslim peoples
have by and large shown a commendable understanding of the American
position…
Like Pakistan, most Muslim states have hoped that the
action against Afghanistan would be short, swift and targeted… the US
and Britain would help in the country's post-war reconstruction and
ensure a neutral and broad-based government there. However, voices threatening
an extension of the scope of the war have the potential to disrupt the
unity of support … and antagonize people and governments, especially
in Muslim countries… Indeed, any full-scale move against Iraq, Syria
or Lebanon may make the entire region go up in flames and hurt the western
world's long-term interests in the Middle East.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, October 12, 2001
Pakistan president took the initiative to ring up
Indian prime minister Atal Behari Vajpayee … and invite him over to
carry forward the Agra process. Next day… Abdul Sattar invited his Indian
counterpart Jaswant Singh to visit Islamabad… Neither's schedule apparently
permits any priority being given to calling on Islamabad. Instead there
was strange speculation in the Indian media about why Pakistan has thought
it necessary to invite Indian government leaders. They seem to have
concluded that American pressure must have motivated Islamabad to make
the move.
… If two members have friction between themselves,
as India and Pakistan have, the US interests demand that that friction
be removed. … Powell has let it be known that he would talk about Kashmir
with both and it might not be entirely about 'cross-border-terrorism'…
he is likely to go on asking his hosts in New Delhi to resume the dialogue
with Pakistan… with Pakistan calling it freedom fight of Kashmiris.
… can afford to disdain talking, no matter how unamiable
to each other the representatives of the two states may have become.
The two as well as their friends clearly recognise and say that there
is no alternative to go on patiently negotiating their differences.
They just cannot resort to the argument of force--with nuclear weapons
in each other's arsenals.
… it is a fact that, while no other foreign power can
do anything about this Indian stance, no one has felt good about it.
Every state recommends that the two regional nuclear neighbours should
go on talking in earnest. So does Pakistan. The difficulties arise from
the Indian side who think there is no substantive issue about Kashmir
to be discussed, except the insurgency in Kashmir. Pakistani officials
and media have continued to assert about the totally unacceptable human
rights violations by India's security forces of Kashmiris who want unambiguously
and vociferously their freedom from India. They were clearly asking
for their right to decide their own future status. No legal sophistry
can convert this freedom struggle into simple terrorism, to be met by
India's state terrorism.
… Powell will neither mediate nor adjudicate… he will
certainly urge the India not to return such a frosty answer to Pakistan's
invitation… the Indians might reconsider and look again at their calendars.
They might yet find time for Mr. Singh to visit Islamabad earlier than
they had thought. It is hoped they actually will. Much rides on this
dialogue.
-- Editorial, The News, October 12, 2001
As America's war against terrorism
focusing on Afghanistan stretches to the fifth day, some positive developments
are emerging in the geopolitical scenario of the region. These could
lead to greater stability and peace in South Asia, provided the war
does not drag on indefinitely and the fighting in Afghanistan does not
escalate. One key factor will be the role the US decides to play to
help normalize India-Pakistan relations… Powell will be visiting [Islamabad
and New Delhi] … to address their worries about how the Afghan crisis
can impinge on their relationship. The second important development
has been the move by President Musharraf and Prime Minister Vajpayee
to revive the Agra process…
… the promise of a new turn in bilateral equations
in South Asia is most encouraging. Although … Powell will not be mediating
between the two countries, it [US] has conceded that [he] … would try
to work with both to reduce tension in the region… The fact is that
without the good offices of a third party it is not easy to sort out
the differences between the two countries, especially when they have
been locked in this [Kashmir] intractable dispute for over five decades.
Only an outside power which has an evenhanded approach to the regional
issues and enjoys the confidence of both interlocutors can facilitate
a peace process. The present circumstances have placed Washington ideally
for a facilitator's role…
It is an encouraging sign that India and Pakistan have
also thought it prudent to … ease the strains in their relations. Of
late the Line of Control in Kashmir has also been remarkably peaceful
... The environment is thus right for fresh initiatives to move the
peace dialogue forward... New Delhi tried to win Washington's backing
against Islamabad on the ground that it was harbouring many terrorists
who were operating in Kashmir. By adopting an evenhanded stance, the
US has managed to keep the equilibrium in the region. It is now expected
to move forward and exercise a moderating influence on the two sides
and persuade them to sort out their differences…
However, for any such initiative to bear fruit, it
is also important for both India and Pakistan to approach the question
of their bilateral problems more flexibly and with greater accommodation
than in the past. In fact, in the given context, they should see the
wisdom of conducting themselves more maturely and responsibly on their
own in dealing with these issues… A good starting for India would thus
be to reduce the scale of repression in occupied Kashmir and for Pakistan
to put militants operating across the LoC under stricter restraint.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, October 11, 2001
A militant backlash was the most
easily foreseen fallout of the government's decision to side with the
international community in fighting terrorism… leaders of the religious
parties were unlikely to be persuaded to call off street protests …
it was also apparent that the protests could turn violent. Finally,
it was known that the bombing of Afghanistan would exacerbate the situation.
The subsequent events have unfolded exactly to this script.
The law enforcement agencies thus had ample warning
to gear up for the challenge… Maintaining this critical balance [preventing
violence and minimal and judicious use of force] may not be very easy
in the face of a mob… The slightest over-reaction on their part would
play straight into the hands of the militants.
The official performance thus far has been mixed...
There are some signs of panic as well. The DIG Quetta, for example,
is reported to have been transferred for failing to arrest any of the
18 persons fingered as troublemakers. While responsibility does accompany
command, the more immediate failure seems to be of the district police
chief and the lower operatives. Lastly, the death by police firing in
Quetta of four persons, including a child, has heightened tensions.
Needless to emphasise, the country is passing through
a very sensitive phase where maximum efficiency and caution are needed…Yet,
the police seem to be displaying all their traditional failings and
none of the benefits of the much-trumpeted reforms. Worst of all, there
is an obvious disconnection between the district police and the district
Nazim, on the one hand, and the district and provincial governments,
on the other. News reports indicate that some instructions have been
issued to make the police more answerable to the district Nazims. How
far this will increase their efficiency remains to be seen. But a greater
role for the Nazim in law enforcement does open up the possibility of
a policy conflict with the provincial government. Since the coming days
will test the police more severely, the provincial governments would
do well to get their acts together quickly and avoid mid-crisis reforms
and panic-driven decisions.
-- Editorial, The News, Lahore, October 11,
2001
The report that the US has informed
the Security Council that it could take action against "other organizations
and other states" as part of its fight against terrorism has a disturbing
note about it. … one would expect Washington to be mindful of the full
implications of opening up a wider front against terrorism simultaneously
with the on-going move against Afghanistan and Osama bin Laden's Al
Qaeda network, shortly thereafter.
… Since evidence has shown Osama bin Laden and his
Al Qaeda group to be the prime suspects in the Sept 11 suicide bombings,
the world community has by and large agreed with the American decision
to take military action against the Taliban-ruled Afghanistan… President
Bush made it clear that America's war was not against the Afghan people
but against the Taliban and the Al Qaeda network… So long as Washington
sticks to this course of action, there is no reason why the international
coalition, including its Muslim component, should not stay united.
However, there is a serious possibility of fissures
developing within the world coalition if the US decides to widen the
scope of its military action … Of all the countries declared "rogue"
by the US, only two - Cuba and North Korea - are not Muslim; all others
are. This means, should the US decide to widen the scope of its military
action, it is the Muslim countries which will be targeted on grounds
of "terrorism."
The country that comes to mind immediately is Iraq…
The other Muslim states whom America would want to be put on the mat
would be Syria and possibly Lebanon (even though it has not been officially
declared a "rogue" state), besides Sudan, Libya and possibly Yemen.
Should the hawks in the Pentagon prevail, the world coalition would
come under severe stress …
Already, the Muslim world feels deeply hurt by Washington's
carte blanche to Israel for its genocidal policies against the Palestinian
people. Add to it Washington's persistently hostile policies toward
… Syria, Iran, Libya and Sudan and one at once detects a strong anti-Muslim
slant in American policies. Should Washington choose to extend its military
action to include all or any of these countries, the Muslim world could
witness a sweeping wave of anti-American anger and rage it has never
experienced before. It may also sweep aside those moderate Muslim regimes
which are now on America's side. The end-result would not only be war
and chaos in the Middle East; the fight against terrorism may degenerate
into a worldwide conflict on religious lines. This could throw the world
back into mediaeval times. It is important for America to fully realize
the consequences of such an eventuality.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, October 10, 2001
… War is finally on Pakistan's doorstep
… Pakistan had all along tried to use its leverage with the Taliban
government to seek a peaceful solution … and used diplomatic channels
as well as informal contacts to prevail upon them to hand over Osama
… Taliban refused to oblige.
They failed to realize that they were totally isolated,
and that the entire world, including most Muslim states, was fully supportive
of the Security Council resolution authorizing the use of force to punish
the perpetrators of the Sept 11 carnage as well as those aiding, protecting
or harbouring them. The Muslim world also realized that the bombing
of the World Trade Centre in which thousands of innocent civilians were
killed was in no way a deed that could further any worthwhile cause…
The Taliban's failure to grasp this simple fact and their resort to
emotive slogans failed to cut ice with the Muslim world or with their
own people.
… How long will the military campaign last? What will
be its scope? Will it be an open-ended and all-out war? What will be
the shape of things after the immediate objectives have been achieved?
Pakistan has vital stakes in answers to these questions, because this
country has once again become a front-line state in the context of Afghanistan.
Not only that, Pakistan has vital interests in Afghanistan, given the
two countries' geographical proximity and the economic, cultural and
ethnic relations that bind them together. Without doubt, whatever happens
in one country affects the other.
[Musharraf sought and got the assurance that] …. the
air strikes are and will continue to be only against Al Qaeda's training
camps and the Taliban's military installations.
This is of vital importance, because indiscriminate bombing
could result in huge civilian casualties which would politically recoil
on the world coalition against terrorism…. high civilian casualties,
can have a negative impact on Muslim countries which at the moment are
fully behind the US-led world coalition.
At his press conference yesterday, the president dwelt
at considerable length on two more vital points. One was his warning
that the Northern Alliance should not be allowed to exploit the post-Taliban
vacuum. The Northern Alliance, he said, "must be kept in check", otherwise
Afghanistan could return to anarchy… Any government formed by them would
not be acceptable to the Pakhtoons who are the single largest ethnic
group … Afghanistan need[s]… a "balanced" government …. Pakistan had
sought and received assurances from the US and UK that the post-Taliban
government would be a Pakistan-friendly government… Pakistan cannot
give open-ended support to the former king, because once he was a zealous
supporter of the Pakhtoonistan bogey.
President Musharraf also emphasized the need for building
Afghanistan when the war ended … Obviously, it is the people of Afghanistan
who need the world community's support and help and not the warlords
who have played havoc with their country in a mad lust for power…. Knowing
its financial and other limitations, [Pakistan] cannot afford to let
millions more [of refugees] to pour in. Islamabad has, thus, correctly
decided to limit the numbers by letting in only the infirm and the sick.
One hopes the military action that began on Sunday night would soon
achieve its immediate objectives, with attention and efforts directed
then towards the formation of a broad-based government acceptable to
all sections of Afghanistan's population. Only such a government can
play a meaningful role in the infrastructural rehabilitation and economic
reconstruction of the country with the help of the international community.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, October 9, 2001
America is at war once again, in the battle-scarred
Afghanistan, in what could be seen as a coup de grace to destroy the
last vestiges of civilisation and human dignity. It is a calculated
action designed basically to break the will of the Taliban but also
to show to the American people that its leadership can go to any length,
literally, to take revenge. The main objective on the war agenda, however,
is to capture Osama…
Afghanistan lost its sovereignty over two decades ago
when it became a battleground of two world powers. Several years later
a re-shaped alliance has appeared ... But, it is unlikely that the Americans
will be able to achieve the targets … The conditions are not conducive
for a conventional war as Afghanistan has little by way of strategic
targets. There will, therefore, be no quick, decisive strikes that will
bring the Taliban to their knees. The leaders are digging themselves
in for a prolonged confrontation …The qualities of resilience and survivability,
therefore, will determine the outcome of the battle.
The war, however, will extract a heavy price from the
civilians … but this never translates into pressure on the leaders to
capitulate. …The Alliance leaders have spoken about ensuring that the
collateral damage would be kept at the minimum … it lacks validity …
Non-combatants die in greater numbers specially when bombs or missiles
come whistling through the air. The highly sophisticated ordnance the
Alliance is using... will not be able to distinguish between civilians
and non-civilians, the good and the bad.
The reasons for the conflict have yet to be declared.
… The American nation demanded it as initial reparation for the senseless
murder of over 6000 persons in the September 11 strikes. That too lacked
a reason, but it was considered just by those who perpetrated the criminal
act. An almost similar logic is encouraging a recourse to war. The talk
is of punishing the evildoers, whoever they are. Vietnam took the lives
of thousands of young Americans for causes that still need to be identified.
-- Editorial, The News, Islamabad, October 9,
2001
Even as … Bush and … Blair go about
passionately declaring an Infinite War against terrorism, people in
many countries of America and Europe have been … demonstrating against
the imminent war. These protesters demand that the warriors make their
aims of war clear. What do they mean by terrorism against which they
are going to fight and kill … the aims, as stated, are too general and
inadequately defined. Osama Bin Laden and these Taliban can surely be
accused of terrorist activities and of protecting terrorists; we also
hope that adequate evidence exists for individual indictments, particularly
of Osama and his men…
But there remains the question of adequately defining
terrorism. The war has to be against all manifestations of terrorism
and… must root out the causes that produce terrorists, including the
establishment of the culpability of those who create the condition in
which people lose hope and begin to despair… For many the war against
terrorism includes a great deal of social and economic reconstruction
in all underdeveloped countries and this purpose cannot be equated with
blindly hitting out with deadly military means... The support is for
the creation of just and egalitarian societies everywhere.
The purpose requires societies where oppression, intolerance
and dire poverty amidst plenty should not be there. There is the question
of the credibility of… defined aims. People … protesting … do not buy
the stated purpose of the western governments: The suspicion [is] …
the outrage against the terror attacks … has been utilised for sordid
realpolitik and strategic purposes. They relate the contemplated … war
with the historic Great Game being renewed… securing … Anglo-American
interests in the Gulf region by more forward deployments in South and
Central Asia, making the American power structure extend from Israel
to at least Oxus River, if not beyond. Replacement of the Taliban …
by... [the] Zahir Shah regime comprising warlords … would enable the
Americans to play a strong hand throughout Central Asia and also perhaps
further on. Scope for China's manoeuvring would be thus limited.
These realpolitik purposes seem to be implicit in the
kind of enterprise… There is no sympathy with any realpolitik games…
The kind of oppression that the west… has imposed on the Middle East,
could only result in horrible consequences to… Palestinians… Lebanese
and…Syrians. This has been a powerful force for producing suicide bombers.
This horrible oppression must end first if war against terrorism has
any meaning. Taliban like fundamentalists are primarily a thereat to
Muslim societies and the latter have… to fight them. The west can usefully
help them… These guiding principles must be applied to Afghanistan and
Taliban regime. One does not stand for preserving the latter. Let all
the Afghans be involved in creating a broad-based government; let it
not be nominated by big powers or by the international free masonry
of international spooks that is emerging and stalking Pakistan and Afghanistan.
-- Editorial, The News, Islamabad, October
3, 2001
With the unanimous adoption of the
Security Council resolution … all UN members now stand duty-bound to
help in the world community's fight against terrorism. Failure to do
so means the international community can use force to flush out terrorists
in a given country… a country failing to discharge its responsibilities
runs the risk of total international isolation… [Though] … the word
"terrorism" has not been defined, the resolution embodies the resolve
of the world community to combat the menace ... From denying bases and
harbouring terrorists to preventing them from collecting funds, the
resolution makes it obligatory on UN members to assist in criminal investigations
involving terrorists. Moreover, it authorizes the establishment of a
mechanism to monitor the implementation of the resolution on "a continuous
basis."
… the resolution … concerns Afghanistan the most …
because it harbours Osama bin Laden and his al-Qaeda network… Pakistan,
because of its close ties with them, has been urging the Taliban to
hand him over to a third country. But they have refused… the Taliban
have also contradicted themselves.
First they said that Osama had disappeared … and they
did not know his whereabouts. The latest, however, is … he was under
their protection. Having done that, they have no option but to … hand
over Osama for trial. Their failure to do so would mean the international
community will be within its right to use force to secure Osama bin
Laden's custody.
As a UN member, Pakistan has perforce to discharge
its obligations under the resolution. In the past, it has upheld UN
sanctions against Afghanistan… Under the present situation, Pakistan
must redouble its efforts to make the Taliban see reason and cooperate…
Should the Taliban persist … defiance, they would invite serious trouble
for themselves and their country. … Thanks to continuous fighting [Afghanistan]
is in ruins, while millions have fled the country to seek refuge elsewhere…
Today, the sole concern of their government should
be to alleviate their suffering. Cooperation … will not only avert the
unpredictable consequences of an invasion of Afghanistan; it may also
spare the Taliban the immediate danger of retaliatory action for non-compliance.
Indeed, they could make things somewhat easier for themselves by being
amenable to the formation of a broad-based government acceptable to
all sections of the population. Such a government alone can help establish
peace and concord in the country on a durable basis.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, October 2, 2001
Something very confusing is going on and no one is
able to explain it. We know that the US is preparing to retaliate …
that the US will attack Afghanistan, and more precisely the terrorist
camps inside that country…
that Pakistan has taken the side of the international
coalition and the US… The US has lifted almost all the sanctions...
So why then is everybody running out of Pakistan? Why have almost all
the international airlines stopped their flights to this country? Why
have insurance rates been pushed up? Why have we been blockaded bringing
our trade and commerce to a trickle?
Desperate economic managers have been trying to bring
this fact out… international electronic media want action as reporters
wearing war jackets wait for bombs to … produce a repeat version of
the Gulf War and capture audiences…
… "This is not a conventional war" Mr George W Bush
has been repeating but the hundreds of media warmongers are still hopeful
… they have scared away whatever little investor confidence and presence
that was left in Pakistan. Nobody is telling the world Pakistan is not
going to be a target of any cruise missile…
It was perfectly understandable that President Bush
needed to divert the attention of a stunned and demoralised American
public from the terrorist catastrophe by shouting "America at War" …
But there was no enemy in sight and no targets to attack. Pakistan,
thus became the obvious focus of that huge war effort... "America at
war" turned to "War against terror", a secret war of sorts.
Have the Americans ever thought about how much damage
they have inflicted on this country in the process? …. does he know
his war hoopla has scared away millions of dollars worth of normal trade
and commerce? … The minimum he can do is to tell the world Pakistan
is not a "war zone". This country is not at risk so business should
go back to normal.
He can even remind the world that in the major Afghan
war of the 80s… not once was Pakistan blockaded in the way it has been
now, unannounced but very practical.
-- Editorial, The News, Islamabad, October
1, 2001
In the wake of the US government’s
freeze order against the assets of 27 organisations and individuals
suspected of complicity in terrorism… Pakistani officials, in collaboration
with foreign experts, are also gearing up for an extensive probe to
track down their assets, investments, bank-accounts and even ‘Havala’
[transfer of money through illegal channels] money-transfers. The probe
is intended to unearth suspect transactions, including those related
to drugs and foreign currency, and link them to their real beneficiaries
… the banned outfits.
This probe is, of course, important because two of
the organisations have relevance to Pakistan and one of these is known
only for charity work. Their credentials must be beyond doubt in so
far as allegations of complicity in international terrorism are concerned.
However, the probe also carries within itself greater potential benefits
for Pakistan’s internal security and its unequal fight against mega-corruption
and international money laundering.
… some religious and ethnic organisations receive foreign
funding. Some of these have, hence, been suspected of fighting proxy
wars on Pakistan’s soil. However, such allegations and ingrained suspicions
have never been proved mainly because the money transfers could not
be unearthed and linked to the suspect outfits… the National Accountability
Bureau has made little headway… even when news reports have linked many
prominent persons to specific assets abroad… these assets could only
have been bought with money stolen from Pakistan. Yet the failure of
the NAB, and of course the ever-present standard excuse that the expertise
needed for tracing international money flows is not indigenously available.
The imminent terrorism money-probe provides … just
the opportunity to acquire such expertise and … craft fool-proof systems
to minimise, if not eliminate, such shady transactions. Of particular
importance is the need to bring the virtually untraceable ‘Havala’ transactions
under normal banking controls.
Finally, the money-probe also carries an important
lesson for the West. … since the stolen money was fuelling Western economies,
… laments had fallen on deaf ears. Now that money laundering has been
linked to terrorism, perhaps the West will realise that the offshore
havens cut both ways and do something about them.
-- Editorial, The News, Lahore, September 30,
2001
The meeting of the Organization of
the Islamic Conference … on Oct 9 should help the Muslim world come
up with a unified response to the Sept 11 terrorist attacks and its
aftermath… all Muslim countries have condemned the terrorist attacks
… because their faith abhors such abominable acts. … the vast majority
of Muslim countries have decided to take an active part in the international
community's fight against terrorism.
… there are three problems that the Doha conference
should address … the need to intercede with the Taliban … to ensure
the handing over of Osama bin Laden ... Pakistan has tried both officially
and unofficially to persuade the Taliban …but to no avail.
However, it will be a different matter if the OIC decides
to send a high-powered delegation to apprise the Mulla Omar government
of the consensus in the Islamic community ... however, adequate guarantees
must be sought for fair and impartial trial of the accused persons and
the Taliban government and Bin Laden assured of the presence of an OIC-designated
team of legal experts and jurists to witness the trial. One hopes …
the OIC… will have a positive effect on the Taliban and a war could
be avoided.
Another matter that deserves the OIC's immediate attention
is the current anti-Muslim wave in the US and some western countries
… large sections of the western media had started blaming Muslims for
the suicide bombings. … the western world in general and the US in particular
have seen a wave of anti-Muslim attacks. ... despite appeals from western
governments… that all Muslims should not be blamed for the crime of
a few.
The task before the OIC is to make its viewpoint clear
to the western electronic and print media and seek the cooperation of
church leaders and NGOs to call a halt to the attacks on Muslim lives
and property. Many leaders of public opinion in the West have deplored
the anti-Muslim wave. It is with such groups that the OIC should seek
liaison … By and large, Muslims throughout Europe and the US have conducted
themselves well and contributed to the cultural enrichment and economic
prosperity of the countries of their residence. This point must be brought
home to common Europeans and North Americans.
… an equally greater task … is to inform friendly governments
in the West about the cause of resentment in the Muslim world against
the West in general and the US in particular. The issues … are Palestine,
Iraq and Kashmir. Here the West, particularly the US, has been guilty
of partisanship, blind animus, political expediency and double standards.
… the US has … has shown utter indifference to the brutal violation
of human rights in Palestine and Kashmir…
It is also significant that a majority of the countries
declared "rogue" by the US are Muslim. So long as the US practises this
patently unjust policy and ignores the misery of Muslim peoples … there
will continue to be resentment…. against the US. The OIC … should seriously
address these issues and problems and, perhaps, devise a strategy for
seeking a revision of American policies toward the Islamic world. Without
a definite improvement in such policies, there will continue to be deep
resentment against the West and the US in the Muslim world.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, September 30,
2001
… Kofi Annan has re-emphasised the old UN effort
… for rough hewing a broad-based interim government of all relevant
Afghan factions. Meantime, Pakistan authorities are trying their best
to hunt with the hound and run with the Taliban hare. At length, Islamabad
too appears to have re-accepted the notion of a broad-based interim
government of which Taliban should also be a part. … it seems pointless
to go on looking for a black cat in a dark room in a pitch dark night.
What is required is a government for Afghanistan that
can stick on the ground and can achieve something… It should be obvious
that a government nominated by foreigners would neither stick nor work,
much less be respected.
Indeed, it is impossible to produce an interim arrangement
that would satisfy all of the factions that have guns … no hodgepodge
government, nominated by foreigners, can command consensus or credibility
… If the UN's 6+2 mechanism has failed to produce a credible interim
government for over ten years, it is unlikely to do so in the next few
weeks…
Irrespective of the concessions … from [the] Americans
by way of including some Taliban as a minor component of the government-to-be,
their future seems to be doomed. … US would feel forced to dump the
Taliban and nominate its own men. The UN would find it difficult to
nurse the illusion of being relevant. But it is for the UN to mobilise
world opinion and actually become a factor. The UN Secretary General
should recall Cambodia … Wasn't it that devastated country which the
UN took over forcibly; set up an administration; disarmed the various
militias; held a census and prepared a voters list; allowed the people
to express themselves freely on political issues; and finally held a
free election.
… Why should any international busybody choose Afghans
who in his opinion would command respect of the 15 million Afghans.
The mere notion is untenable. A lot of unnecessary hopes are being attached
to the frail and aging King Zahir Shah.
… The Afghan people have had traumatic experiences.
Nobody ever remembered him as a Messiah or a nation builder. … Afghanistan
... run by Zahir Shah again, with his old world charm, experiences and
ancient tribal alliances, is a non-starter. It is time that a measure
of justice is shown to the poor hapless Afghans. … Let them elect a
government with UN assistance for their own reconstruction. The world
owes them that much, plus some help.
-- Editorial, The News, Lahore, September 29, 2001
… the US … said things that seem
to suggest a lot of awareness of Pakistan's genuine concerns about Afghanistan.
… Washington would keep Islamabad's sensitivities in mind with regard
to the Northern Alliance. …
… the State Department … said that Afghanistan needed
"a broad-based and representative government." Even more significantly,
he said governments "can't be made from the outside."
… one of Afghanistan's greatest misfortunes has been
the absence of a broad-based government acceptable to all sections of
the population. Regrettably, the unity that various Afghan factions
showed during the anti-Soviet struggle evaporated when the time came
for them to work together in peace and harmony …
… the Taliban, once in power, made no attempt to seek
a consensus. Their unilateral policies and actions succeeded in uniting
all those who were erstwhile enemies in opposition to them. Also, their
orthodox interpretation of Islam and their cultural policies alienated
large sections of the Afghan population and led to the country's isolation
from the world. In turn, the Northern Alliance, which controls about
five per cent of the country, has shown no signs of conciliation and
has continued its war on the Taliban, their sole aim being to capture
power. To make matters worse, the Northern Alliance has been receiving
military aid from a number of countries, including India.
… any attempt to replace the Taliban … would only add
to Afghanistan's internal and external problems. If brought into power
by foreign governments, a Northern Alliance government would go after
all those who supported the Taliban, adding to the problem of violence,
strife and instability.
It would also inevitably turn against Pakistan ...
Pakistan, thus, rightly fears that propping up the Northern Alliance
militarily and helping it capture Kabul would only worsen Afghanistan's
problem … the US is duly aware of this and also recognizes the fact
that governments cannot be imposed from outside. One hopes the close
cooperation that has characterized the relationship between Pakistan
and the US since the Sept 11 tragedy will continue... The aim … should
be … a neutral and broad-based set-up that comes into being as a result
of a consensus among all major Afghan ethnic communities and tribes.
That alone can bring lasting peace and stability to this war-battered
country.
-- Editorial, Dawn, September 29, 2001
Conspiracy theorists apart, many
commentators have assumed that the United States will bomb Afghanistan
into the stone age, thereby provoking a dangerous blowback for America
and its Muslim allies... Some argue that it will be "a war without
end" in which the tenacious Afghans will defeat America ... Others
fear that thousands of innocent Afghans will perish, triggering widespread
anti-American riots in Pakistan that could lead to the overthrow of
… Musharraf regime. America’s Muslim allies therefore want "credible
evidence" of OBL’s complicity in order to "neutralize"
the rage of their people.
The basic assumption in these scenarios, however, may
not be true. Far from exacting revenge … US strategy may be more calibrated
by focusing on OBL, his Al-Qaeda … and the core Taliban leadership.
… President Bush… [said] … the best way to bring those responsible to
justice … was " to ask for the cooperation of citizens within Afghanistan
who may be tired of having the Taliban in place".
This suggests that the US may seek to ally with the
Northern Alliance ... It would entail beefing up the Northern Alliance
and "softening" up the Taliban... by high-altitude target
bombing. This assessment is reinforced by … Rumsfeld who … pointed out
that not all Taliban members agree with the their leader’s decision
to "create a hospitable environment for Al Qaeda", adding
… certain tribes … might be persuaded into joining the anti-Taliban
coalition. … [The] visit of Britain’s foreign secretary… to Iran may
also be read in this context.
But … the Northern Alliance would not be acceptable
to Pakistan and [can] create severe strains in the budding US-Pakistan
relationship. That is why, perhaps, … Bush … is seeking "justice"
and "isn’t into nation-building" — … the US will not go so
far as to install a Northern Alliance led government … hostile to Islamabad.
This scenario is a far cry from the crude one assumed by some commentators.
Other assumptions also need to be scrutinized… for
example, that the north-west frontier province is bound to "explode…
in favour of the Taliban. … this assumption completely disregards the
complex interplay of tribal interests within the Pashtun matrix. For
instance, … Taliban are primarily part of the Ghilzai-Durrani tribal
federation … while the main Pashtun tribes which proliferate in Pakistan
are the Wazirs, Mahsoods, Mohmands, Afridis, Khattaks, Bangash, Orakzais,
Yusufzais, etc. Many among these tribes are in the "pocket"
of the federal government … and there is no reason to believe that they
cannot be dissuaded from supporting the Taliban …
Similarly, the premise that the people of Afghanistan
are bound to line up behind the Taliban ... Indeed, the opposite may
be truer, since the Taliban have not provided any institutional justice
or prosperity to the Afghans. In fact, many of the local commanders
who acquiesced in Taliban rule … may be tempted to switch sides once
the writing on the wall is clear and the Pakistani props have been removed.
The assumption that Afghanistan is bound to become
a "graveyard" for the Americans … is also dubious. … In the
war against Russia, their powerful patrons were the Americans. Today,
however, their sole patron Pakistan has been neutralized while the world
powers are forcefully arraigned against them…
Finally, the argument that the US should provide "credible
evidence" of OBL’s role … may be good for purposes of assuaging
public opinion in Muslim states but is a non-starter as far as radical
Islam’s jehad against America and Israel is concerned. OBL … declared
such a jehad more than once and Afghanistan under the Taliban has become
a veritable base area for all the jehadis of the world. If some jehadis
have now attacked America because they perceive it to be their enemy,
rightly or wrongly, America has returned the compliment by targeting
their base area and leaders in Afghanistan.
… the fundamental truth remains ... The United States
must strive to remove the root cause of Muslim rage if it seeks to end
the scourge of "terrorism". That means it must seek justice
for the oppressed peoples of Palestine, Kashmir, Chechnya, Kosovo, etc,
and end its indiscriminate support for the state terrorism of Israel.
-- Editorial, The Friday Times, Lahore, September
28, 2001
… American and Pakistani approaches
seem to be diverging [on] … the future of Taliban rule in Afghanistan.
… Sattar has warned … that the attempt to topple the Taliban regime
by aiding the Northern Alliance is fraught with dangerous consequences.
His reference was obviously to the ethnic composition … Taliban supposedly
represent 70 per cent Pashtoons while the Northern Alliance represents
other ethnic and sectarian minorities. There are other complications
too. Moreover, the US appears keen on somehow containing and, if possible,
neutralising Taliban's friends inside Pakistan. Islamabad does not approve
of the perceived American objective of imposing a non-Taliban government
over Afghanistan.
… why did the Americans take the trouble and incur
expense of assembling an international coalition and mobilising a formidable
force in the first place. … it is ostensibly for capturing or killing
Osama Bin Laden. But if Islamabad thought that the entire western fraternity
was uniting to fight only one person it was mistaken. The rush of events
alone would itself point to … larger ends, beginning with replacement
of the Taliban regime. All would agree that what the US has undertaken
would be a long haul after despatching the Taliban. Beyond which point
non-military means are likely to be employed. The Americans would do
whatever it takes to get rid of Taliban and contain and counter their
friends wherever they be.
That puts Pakistan on the spot … Musharraf government
appears unwilling to ditch Taliban. That is understandable because of
the invisible umbilical chord connecting them. But having agreed "fully"
to cooperate with the US, the dye was cast. True concern of all Pakistanis,
however, is for Afghan people, not necessarily the Taliban regime or
the politics they represent. It is time that Afghans are spared the
ordeal of being an international football for big boys to kick around.
… time has come for … the General Assembly and not
the … Security Council, to look after and run Afghanistan for a suitable
number of years. It should, in a transparently democratic manner, produce
a new set of representative Afghans. It is hoped that eventually the
Afghans, with their well-known love for independence, would keep all
foreigners out and stay free. For Pakistan to remain fascinated with
Taliban is now atavistic. … Whatever weight [Pakistan] … might still
have should now be used to initiate the processes of justice and fairplay
for all the Afghans, without any state acting as Afghanistan's Big Brother.
-- Editorial, The News, Lahore, September
27, 2001
Pakistan has done well to caution
the world against the hazards of arming the Northern Alliance. … Sattar
... said … Any decision to arm them… would be a recipe for disaster…
… Pakistan knows Afghanistan the way no other country
does. For the last two decades especially Pakistan has been closely
involved with happenings in Afghanistan...
In the post-Soviet period also, Pakistan not only watched
but also got involved in the in-fighting among Afghan factions for power.
This vicious fratricide has resulted in the deaths of hundreds of thousands
of Afghans. Millions have fled their homes and sought refuge in neighbouring
countries... The Northern Alliance came into being after the Taliban
captured Kabul and, then, imposed a harsh brand of theocracy on their
people. [It] … since then has waged a relentless struggle to recapture
Kabul… causing widespread death and destruction.
The Sept 11 terror attacks … and the American resolve
to punish the Taliban … seem to have given the Northern Alliance a fresh
opportunity for a renewed bid for power. Now they expect the US to give
them military help … so that they can defeat and dislodge their adversaries.
… doing so would be a great mistake. The Northern Alliance is seeking
power for reasons of self-vindication ... They think that they were
the ones who had waged the jihad against the Soviets and won and, therefore,
… they … are the legitimate rulers of Afghanistan. This view, however,
is not shared by all sections of Afghanistan's polyglot population.
… US-supported Northern Alliance … would hardly be
in a position to bring peace and stability to the country. At present,
it is receiving military aid from a number of countries, including India
... What prompted New Delhi to aid the Northern Alliance was Pakistan's
close relationship with the Taliban. If the Northern Alliance comes
to power, it is unlikely to maintain a neutral posture vis-a-vis its
neighbours, especially Pakistan. This could lead to further instability
and bloodshed. The US would, thus, be making a great mistake if it tried
to install the revenge-seeking Alliance in power in Kabul.
The best solution … is … a neutral and peaceful Afghanistan,
and this will be possible only when the US regards its campaign less
a national retaliatory move and more a UN-led international campaign.
As … Kofi Annan … [said], any rash action that the world could not understand
would be wrong and that only the UN could give global legitimacy to
a "long-term struggle against terrorism."
The retaliation against the terror attacks, he said,
should not make the international community oblivious to its other responsibilities
- cooperation and partnership. Placed as Afghanistan is, there is no
other solution except … a broad-based government acceptable to all of
Afghanistan's factions and tribes and to all of Afghanistan's neighbours.
Any government lacking such a broad-based and neutral character would
hardly be in a position to make itself acceptable to the people ...
The last thing Afghanistan needs is a partisan and factional government
in power in Kabul.
-- Editorial, Dawn, September 27, 2001
Pakistan has yet to calculate the
economic cost of having landed once again in the unenviable position
of a front-line state in another international war... Sandwiched between
two wars, the one … in Afghanistan … and the other … in Indian occupied
Kashmir … Pakistan is already paying a very heavy socio-economic price.
The country, as a result, is suffering from a long
bout of deep recession. … As a consequence, unemployment has reached
an all-time high while physical and social infrastructure has almost
bottomed out in recent years.
… there is hardly any economic room left in Pakistan
to bear the consequences of a long drawn-out world campaign against
terrorism for the present focusing on Afghanistan, the Taliban and Osama
bin Laden. The country would inevitably face an extremely difficult
economic situation as the impending battle against terrorism in this
region and elsewhere drags on - as it would seem most likely to do.
Pakistan is certainly not asking for a price for its
'services' to the US-led world coalition against terrorism. But it does
need help to remain in reasonably fit condition economically to play
its part as a key member of the alliance. … Pakistan owes as much as
$ 15 billion out of a total debt of $ 32 billion to various bilateral
donors.
This could perhaps be written off immediately … multilateral
aid agencies … could reverse the net outflow of resources by enhancing
the inflow of concessional assistance under their various programmes…
increased inflows could then be aimed at improving capacities in water,
power, oil and mineral sectors. ...
In the longer run, Pakistan would need help of the
richer world to enhance its ability to trade with it. We in Pakistan
understand that it was not the fault of the donors that we find ourselves
in a mess despite having received generous assistance in the past. We
frittered away much of it in our futile efforts to substitute imports.
There is no question about repeating the mistake. But for us to enter
the world export market in a big way, we do need free access to rich
markets ... we would also need foreign investment and know-how. Economic
stability … would also help in bringing much needed political stability
in the region and turning it into [a] peaceful place …
-- Editorial, Dawn, September 24, 2001
General Pervez Musharraf is correct
[:] in arguing that Pakistan is facing its most critical crisis since
… 1971 … listing the strategic and economic dangers facing the country
should its leaders and people succumb to rage and passion … warning
India to "lay off"… demanding… Pakistanis should demonstrate
the will and courage to put the interests of their country above everything
else ...
This is not the time to apportion blame on leaders
past or present… certain factors have contributed to it and we should
highlight them [for] finding a comprehensive solution…
First: … relationship with America… left .. two major
sores: a dependent economy and an anti-American backlash. Therefore,
as we strive to rebuild our economy and rethink our relations with the
United States, we should be wary of the sort of quick-fix-solutions
that have brought us to this pass… in this case there is clearly an
opportunity to set many things right – but let us not get carried away
into believing that a "strategic realignment" with the US
along the old client-state parameters is either necessary or possible
in our own best interests.
Second: … so-called process of "Islamisation"
of state and society … has planted the seeds of recurring instability
in our nation-state. The "reassertion" of such fundamentalist
impulses has hurt many human rights causes, fueled violent sectarianism
and created economic confusion. … it has revived the notion of jihad
across the geographical boundaries … and pitted [Pakistan] against other
nation-states. Yes, we are all Muslims … but let us not retreat into
a raging clash with all the infidels of the world …
Third: … "intervention" in Afghanistan has
been an unmitigated disaster, leading to our current "critical"
circumstances. … we [also] replaced our requirement for a friendly state
in our backyard with an obsession for a client state … supporting favourites
… engineering civil strife, making enemies of Afghanistan’s ethnic minorities
and driving them into the lap of neighbouring powers. When all failed,
we propped up the Taliban … Now we are being held accountable for befriending
them and being made to count the costs of ditching them. Yes, we must
have a friendly government in our backyard, and yes, it must be dominated
by the Pashtuns, but the radical Islamicist Taliban have to go and Pakistan’s
establishment must learn to live with an autonomous, moderately Muslim,
broad based national government in Kabul.
Fourth: … war with India over Kashmir has burdened
our economy, led to the dismemberment of our country and brought us
to a nuclear impasse. … jihad is threatening to disrupt civil society
in the valley. But a larger writing is on the wall already. Despite
any short-term concessions to Pakistan for reasons of exigency, like
ignoring the Pakistan-sponsored jihad in Kashmir for the time being,
America’s war against "terrorism" … is bound to bring the
various domestic and foreign Lashkars and Mujahids in its sights after
the Taliban and Afghanistan have been "sorted out". Therefore
if India is to be pressurized to "lay off" Pakistan today,
Pakistan must expect to face pressure to "lay off" India tomorrow.
Thus it would be a good idea for both to start talking again …
… The Taliban will attach unacceptable conditionalities
on the extradition of Osama bin Laden which America will spurn contemptuously.
America will ask Pakistan to provide overt and covert logistical support
… for military operations against the Taliban. After the Taliban leadership
has been eliminated, America will seek to establish a new, broad based
government in Kabul … Throughout … Pakistan will remain in the eye of
the storm. But if it plays its cards right, it could come out a winner
in the end…
-- The Friday Times, Lahore, September 21, 2001
"The grim tragedy America suffered…
In its severity and dimensions, it is clearly the worst carnage continental
America has suffered since the Civil War...
… the casualties were all civilians - innocent human
beings - men, women and children - going about their day's business…
[and] had nothing to do with the policies of the American government.
Only a criminal mind would, thus, think of killing them to make a point
to the world and to those who run the US administration...
…Within minutes, thanks to the electronic media, the
tragedy and grief had spilled over beyond New York and Washington or
even America. In no time, this had become a world catastrophe… For millions
around the world, this was something happening nearby, as if in their
own cities. Without a doubt, only fiendish minds could have thought
of this crime and executed it with cold-blooded precision.
… Without a shadow of doubt, the crash of the planes
into the towering structures was carried out by the hijackers themselves.
More important, the targets selected spoke of the political motive behind
the operation: the end-result was spectacular for all to see; the targets
were not only to be destroyed, the attacks were intended to paralyze
America's economic life and cripple the nerve-centre of its military
machine.
… By attacking and destroying or crippling the two
symbols of America's economic and military power, the terrorists proved
the point that America was as vulnerable as any other nation. No matter
what security arrangements the US government takes, its enemies can
still manage to strike at will and at a place and time of their choice.
Very commendably, the American government and Congressional
leaders, and even large sections of the media, have avoided rushing
into blaming any country or group for Tuesday's criminal attack so far…
President Bush… said … it was freedom itself that was attacked and that
"freedom will be defended." As for the perpetrators of the crime, he
refrained from naming any particular country or group and observed,
"Make no mistakes: the United States will hunt down and punish those
responsible for these cowardly acts."
… the government and people of Pakistan … endorse what
President Musharraf said in his message to President Bush: "We share
the grief of the American people in this grave national tragedy. We
strongly condemn this most brutal and horrible act of terror and violence."…
The big question surrounding Tuesday's tragedy is:
who could have plotted this carnage? Before someone could accuse Osama
bin Laden of the crime, Taliban spokesmen in Kandahar and Islamabad
denied that the Saudi exile was involved in the crime. Their ambassador
in Islamabad condemned the attacks and said his government would not
allow Osama to use Afghan territory for terrorist attacks in another
country.
More specific was the Taliban's official spokesman
in Kandahar, who said only a government could carry out the kind of
operation that was seen in America on Tuesday and that it was beyond
the power of an individual to do so. Suspicion may also fall on some
Middle Eastern groups, whose main complaint against the US stems from
Washington's acquiescence in Israel's genocidal policies against the
Palestinian people. However, so far no Middle Eastern group has claimed
responsibility for the attacks on the WTC and the Pentagon.
There is no doubt that circles close to Israeli and
Indian lobbies in America would like to implicate Muslim groups in the
attacks. However, it is unlikely that the American government would
believe these insinuations in the absence of hard evidence. One may
recall the atmosphere that gripped the United States when the Alfred
P. Murrah Federal Building was blown up in Oklahoma in April 1995. Some
sections of the media began supplying "evidence" of Arab involvement
and theorizing that the terrorist job was done by some Middle Eastern
groups. However, later investigations proved that the bombing was done
by an American, McVeigh, who was recently executed. This time, too,
one cannot rule out the possibility of some American anarchist or hate
groups, or even some militant opponents of the US-led globalization
process being involved in Tuesday's carnage.
There are white supremacist groups in America whose
main complaint against the federal government is that, by its policies,
it had handed over American cities to blacks and non-whites and that
they had permitted immigration from non-European countries, thus threatening
America's Christian character and way of life. Obviously, such theories
and those linking the attacks on the WTC and Pentagon to Muslim groups
will need to be weighed against hard evidence that emerges. Given the
American intelligence agencies' world-wide network and the sophistication
of their technology, there is no doubt truth will be established sooner
or later. Once this is done, the long arm of the law will doubtless
reach the masterminds and the perpetrators of the crime and bring them
to justice. We also have no doubt that world governments will cooperate
with the American government in the investigation and help it track
down the criminals.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, September 18, 2001
The military government is doing
the right thing by trying to develop a consensus on how to face up to
what indeed is a grave international crisis in which Pakistan has become
a key player…
The issues facing Pakistan are momentous, and the decisions
taken are bound to have a far-reaching bearing on the country's future.
The decisions concern Pakistan's stance vis-a-vis the world coalition
that is in the process of developing to punish the perpetrators and
supporters of last Tuesday's terrorist attacks in America. The details
of the American request ... As confirmed by President Musharraf himself,
… include Pakistan providing docking facilities to American naval ships.
Press reports have also spoken of American ground and airborne troops
seeking logistic help... However, officially neither side has confirmed
this.
… from the point of view of Pakistan's national interests,
Islamabad has to take a clear stand in line with the international community's
resolve to fight terrorism. Pakistan's positive response in this respect
has been appreciated by American leaders... Of special importance here
is a Pakistani delegation's visit to Kandahar… to persuade the Taliban
leadership to hand over Osama bin Laden, the 'prime suspect' ... It
is doubtful if the Afghans will do that since the Taliban leadership
insists that Osama is not involved in those attacks. … the Taliban not
only seem prepared to take on the whole world; they have also threatened
action against any neighbouring country which helps America in its military
action against Afghanistan.
On the domestic front, too, the situation is not very
helpful either. The country has a large number of Taliban supporters.
There are also a couple of religious parties which have backed the Taliban
to the hilt and agree with their extremist interpretation of Islam.
These parties also have armed supporters who are quite capable of stirring
up trouble inside the country. In case the Taliban-controlled Afghanistan
takes hostile action against Pakistan, it would be difficult to hold
their Pakistani supporters in check. In fact, Islamabad may be caught
in an extremely difficult situation if, while fending off the Afghan
militia on the border, it also has to deal with an internal situation
of violence and strife. Surely, no patriotic Pakistani would like to
see the country being caught in such a scenario.
It is precisely to guard against such a possibility
that President Musharraf called the meeting with the political leaders,
ulema and newspaper editors. … Some religious parties, however, reportedly
opposed the government's support to America's planned military action.
Undeniably, it is good that the parties have expressed dissent within
the confines of the conference hall. Frankness in such matters is better
than concealed anger which may explode in the streets. We no doubt have
religious parties, that, despite having a soft corner for the Taliban,
would look at the crisis from the point of view of Pakistan's national
interest and realize the hazards of following a policy that goes against
the United Nations, the international community and the US. The crisis
facing Pakistan calls for a hard-headed approach, which alone can see
the nation through the coming storm.
-- Editorial, Dawn, Karachi, September 16, 2001
"The 11th September terrorist
attack[s]… could become a defining point for Pakistan, if not for the
rest of the world. The US is ready to declare war… This will have profound
implications for the world order in general and certain "rogue"
regimes and their friends, associates or supporters in particular. The
"terrorists", "freedom fighters", "jehadis"
— call them what you will – chose their targets specifically for their
symbolic value... Together, they define the soul of the USA, one that
has now been bruised beyond American reckoning…
… elsewhere in the world certain battered groups, communities
and countries – ranging from the angry jehadis of the Islamic world
and the displaced Palestinians in the Middle-East to sanction-burdened
Iran, Iraq, North Korea, Libya, Afghanistan, and even Pakistan – strain
to hide their true emotions: " the bully on the block has met its
comeuppance… Western commentators, politicians and even philosophers
are straining at the leash to join in a "clash of civilizations"
by starting a "hunt" for Osama Bin Laden and his Islamic jehadis
in those countries like Afghanistan that are accused of harbouring or
facilitating him.
… once the shock of the tragedy is replaced by the
rage of wounded American pride seeking a swift and terrible retribution,
the politicians and generals will start pushing buttons and all hell
will break loose. Saner voices, explaining the origins of rising anti-Americanism
in patently unjust American policies in certain situations and countries,
and advising restraint, dialogue and diplomacy, are likely to be drowned
in a wave of raw human passion. In the longer term, also, we should
not be surprised if some democratic freedoms and common rights that
are taken for granted in the West are visibly circumscribed in the host
countries for people with certain religious or ethnic or national backgrounds.
… Pakistani policy makers might be advised to take
urgent stock of the situation… The Taliban’s military victories provide
illusory strategic depth to Islamabad, but one false move by Osama Bin
Laden could provoke the wrath of the big boy in the White House and
make Afghanistan a millstone around our neck.
…. Islamabad… refuses to account for the mounting costs
of this relationship {Pakistan-Taliban] to Pakistan, apart from mouthing
inanities about some sort of ‘strategic depth’…This strategy may seem
terribly clever but it is all too obvious. At best it will prolong the
painful economic status quo and stunt Pakistan’s rebirth as a creative
and modern nation. At worst, it might hasten the Talibanisation of our
country and precipitate a showdown with the West when its patience runs
out.
Unfortunately for Pakistan, that patience may have
finally run out on 11th September…The US will then expect the Pakistani
government to stop playing both sides and stand by, if necessary with
men and materials, to assist American action against Kabul. If… General
Musharraf agrees, that could be the beginning of the end of its Afghan
and Kashmir policies because its "Islamic" jehadis will turn
irrevocably against it. If it refuses, the US may have few qualms about
embracing India and turning the screws on Pakistan, plunging it into
economic ruin and political anarchy. In that event, Pakistan could not
remain sanguine that its nuclear program would survive the tumultuous
developments in the region, the armed forces would be destabilized and
General Musharraf’s personal and political survival could not be taken
for granted.
… the situation will henceforth remain perilous for
Pakistan because Washington is not likely to ignore the continuing threat
from Islamic jehad and will jump the gun sooner or later. Domestic economic
confidence is thin. The political leadership is alienated or thwarted.
Therefore visionary leadership is necessary to steer Pakistan to safer
waters. This is no time for domestic prevarication or international
bluff. General Pervez Musharraf should stake the country’s future on
right and rationality rather than on pride and passion. "
-- Editorial, The Friday Times, Lahore, September
14, 2001.
…. The bombing of the World Trade Centre
and the Pentagon, and the subsequent US resolve to retaliate have put
Pakistan sharply into focus. In a hurry to act it may be, the US nevertheless
is taking time to mobilize support and prepare for striking at the objects
of its mad fury which are as good as known by but which have not been
officially specified yet.
… Without doubt, Pakistan is caught between the devil
and the deep sea. On the one hand is the US and its determination to
get at the elements and organisations behind last Tuesday's terrorist
attacks. On the other are those sections of the domestic opinion which
have a soft corner for the Taliban and do not consider them the devils
that some of their actions make them out to be. The situation at hand
involves for Pakistan the predicament of tight-rope walking between
the two.
Denying cooperation to the US would mean going against
the Security Council resolution, against the world public opinion and
against the government's own public stand on terrorism, which it has
branded an "evil." On the other hand a carte blanche to the US entails
the risk of a domestic backlash which the military regime may not be
in a position to face up too easily at this critical hour.
Clearly, some of the American demands are easy to fulfil.
For instance, sharing intelligence on Osama is something that Islamabad
should not find difficult to do. However, cutting off oil supplies and
providing logistic support are a different matter. In matters of logistic
support, it is not clear what precise form the Americans have in mind.
The use of air space is an enormously ticklish issue.
However, the last time the US decided to carry out
a missile strike against Osama bin Laden's hideouts in Afghanistan in
August 1998, it just went ahead and did it without seeking Pakistan's
permission for the use of its air space whose violation was very much
involved. With American aircraft carriers and other men of war in the
Arabian Sea waiting for the word 'go' to unleash their lethal load,
they may act any time, any day without waiting for the formality of
our assent.
It is not yet known whether the Americans want to use
Pakistani air bases and facilities for stationing ground troops. These
are matters that would need careful examination. Tajikistan, one of
Afghanistan's neighbours, and Russia have already refused to let NATO
troops in. Whether Pakistan can extend these facilities will depend
largely on how convincing the American case for these are in the context
of the plan of action they have in mind and how effectively Islamabad
can secure public support on this score. In all this, the need clearly
is for Washington to take Pakistan into confidence about the precise
nature and extent of the military operation they are contemplating and
also show a proper understanding of the constraints and limitations
impinging on Pakistan's efforts to provide support and cooperation in
that context.
-- Special Supplement, Kainnat, Karachi, September
14, 2001, (English translation from Urdu language)
If there could be a doomsday, short
of a full-fledged nuclear attack, it was the Black Tuesday yesterday
in the United States…
…What is instantly clear, however, is that every American
today feels he or she is vulnerable, no matter how many hundreds of
billions of dollars are spent by their government in the name of security
worldwide. The American psyche has changed forever today and henceforth
every one would want a resolution of the disputes which have brought
death and destruction right into the heart of their life in a way they
would never have imagined, or forget… Those who could keep their thinking
process intact, after watching the horror, were not sure whether the
anti-terrorist policies of their government all around the world, were
producing any result, far less more security for the American people.
… The desperation of the attackers, whoever they may
be, reflects that some individuals, groups or organisations, were so
strongly driven and fired up against the Americans that they not only
stopped caring for their own lives, they did not consider claiming the
lives of hundreds and thousands of other innocent victims of these attacks...
President George W Bush has already said the attackers
would not be allowed to get away. "Freedom will be preserved," he said…
Any attempt to give currency to Hollywood versions of arch typal enemies
of the United States should be resisted. Many a time in such previous
smaller incidents, Muslims have been prematurely blamed and targeted.
Unless some credible evidence emerges that any particular group or organisation
is responsible, indiscriminate retaliation must be avoided. Sweeping,
aimless reprisals would only add to the hatred that America has already
earned around the world, for some in such a degree that they had to
resort to a cataclysmic bloodbath to serve their cause.
For the rest of the world it is time that a policy
review is undertaken on all major world flashpoints, Middle East being
at the top of that list, followed by South Asia where Kashmir and Afghanistan
provide the justification to hundreds of thousands of militants to adopt
violent ways to seek justice, after having lost all hope that they would
ever get their rights through peaceful negotiated means. Apart from
the many reasons for the culture of violence, it also has its roots
in frustration born of injustice. Unless the world leaders put their
heads together and seriously try to find a way to end this bloodletting,
repeats of the Black Tuesday may continue, making lives of people round
the world insecure. If ever there was a wake-up call for the world to
resolve simmering issues, this one has been the loudest and the costliest.
-- Editorial, The News, September 12, 2001
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