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Where the Buck Stops
A rapid succession of major attacks
on Security Forces (SFs) by Maoists has forced the Centre into a visible
retreat in its ‘massive and coordinated’ operations across the worst
afflicted States. While there were clear operational and leadership
failures leading up to these tragedies, these were, in fact, the inevitable
consequence of strategic infirmities. The Centre, and separately, the
Chhatisgarh Police, had launched unsustainable operations to ‘clear,
hold and develop’, and to ‘dominate’ vast territories, without providing
even a fraction of the Forces and resources necessary to meet these
objectives. Essentially, given the tiny numbers available, their dispersal
across vast affected areas, the impossibility of rapid reinforcement,
the absence of fortification, the absence of adequate training and orientation,
and the paucity of intelligence, disasters were simply waiting to happen.
These operations were completely misconceived from the very outset,
in terms of available capacities and the contours of the challenge.
Unless local capacities for intelligence and operations are enormously
augmented, this can go nowhere, and a lot of lives are going to be lost
to no useful purpose.
There are some who have adopted a martial
posture to declare, with much bravado, that, in a war, such casualties
are inevitable. This is incorrect. There is a necessary and great difference
between lives sacrificed to secure quantifiable and enduring gain, and
lives simply wasted, thrown away, without plan or purpose, to sheer
strategic or tactical stupidity.
A ‘strategy’ that is not backed with
proportionate Forces and resources is a lethal illusion, a political
slogan that places fighting men at unnecessary risk, without any possible
calculus of success. The ‘battalion approach’ that still dominates the
Centre’s responses is a completely failed paradigm, and has no relevance
for current or future counter-insurgency operations.
The Centre’s biggest problem, at present,
is that it has projected this conflict as the Centre’s problem. However,
as K.P.S. Gill has noted, the Home Minister of India cannot be the country’s
Field Marshal. The centralization of responses and of response capabilities
militates against the very nature of the Indian state, and also against
the nature of the challenge that the Maoists currently pose. The principal
responsibility for dealing with the Maoists remains that of the States,
and the first responders, the local Police Stations, have to be strengthened
and equipped to deal with the task on their own. The best the Centre
can do is to aid the States in acquiring the necessary capabilities
and capacities – aid that is already quite generously available.
Unfortunately, the current discourse
has increasingly shifted all responsibility to the Centre – the Home
Ministry’s own postures and projections are overwhelmingly to blame
for this – even as the States jealously cling to the constitutional
position that law and order is a State subject. Most States are even
failing to efficiently or fully utilize the financial resources provided
for Police modernization and capacity building. As for Police reforms,
these have entirely been forgotten by all. Indeed, the presence of Central
Forces, and the Centre’s public postures over the past year, have become
a convenient alibi for most States to do little or nothing about the
problem themselves. Under the circumstances, nothing lasting can be
achieved.
As the death toll mounts, calls for
deployment of the Army (and, in certain more hysterical quarters, the
Air Force) have become shrill. Such an idea, however, can only be disastrous.
The Indian Army is already over-extended in internal and external security
duties, and has no ‘surplus capacities’ to deploy in Maoist areas. Once
again, the debate remains trapped in the general, with no one specifying
how many battalions of the Army are actually available for deployment
in the areas of Maoist violence, what their strategic and tactical objectives
would be, and how long such deployments would last. This is a protracted
conflict, and it must be clear that, if the Army was, indeed, to be
deployed, this would have to be a long-term and massive deployment –
something the Army can ill afford at present. Deployments in internal
security duties also result in a severe erosion of the Army’s conventional
capabilities over time.
On the other hand, sending small contingents
of the Army will have the same consequences as sending small contingents
of other Forces – these will be isolated, ambushed and overwhelmed,
with disastrous consequences.
Crucially, moreover, there are structural
disadvantages to Army deployment (as with deployment of central paramilitary
forces). These are outside Forces, lacking familiarity with local language,
culture and terrain. Further, any dedicated CI Force has no natural
interactions with local populations beyond its limited mandate. Local
Police Stations and Posts, on the other hand, however degraded their
current capacities, have numberless and daily interactions with the
public, and these can be tapped, with a degree of retraining, reorientation,
and resource enhancement, to create the intelligence flows necessary
to design effective operations. Operational capabilities located within
the State Police networks offer the greatest potential for CI success.
Effective CI models are to be found
in the successful campaigns in Punjab, Tripura and Andhra Pradesh. Conflict
with the Maoists is a protracted war that will require sustained efforts
for capacity building, intelligence augmentation, targeted operations,
and the sensitive management of populations. Consistently ignoring these
imperatives over years, and going into hysterics about Army deployment
and a range of other non-solutions after every major attack can lead
to nothing but an endless repetition of the disasters that the state
has invited on itself till now.
( Published in indianexpress,
May 28, 2010)
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