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SOUTH ASIA INTELLIGENCE REVIEW
Weekly Assessments & Briefings
Volume 2, No. 22, December 15, 2003
Data and
assessments from SAIR can be freely published in any form
with credit to the South Asia Intelligence Review of the
South Asia Terrorism Portal
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Maoist Incursions across Open Borders
P.G. Rajamohan
Research Associate, Institute for Conflict Management
On November
20, 2003, a secret meeting is said to have taken place between
some top-level Nepalese Maoist
leaders and Madhav Kumar Nepal, a senior political leader
and secretary of Communist Party of Nepal - United Marxist
Leninist (CPN-UML), at Lucknow in the Indian State of Uttar
Pradesh. The meeting raises a number of issues regarding
the management of the Indo-Nepal border and the extent to
which the Nepalese Maoists have succeeded in establishing
a base, or securing safe havens, in India. These issues
had been raised earlier as well, particularly after August
17, 2001, when Maoist leader Prachanda conducted a meeting
with Nepal's other Leftist parties in Siliguri in West Bengal,
immediately after the declaration of the cease-fire.
There has also been reportage of the Maoist insurgents establishing
linkages with a mélange of Indian left-wing extremist groups
- most prominently the People's War Group (PWG)
and the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC)
- and at least two insurgent groups active in India's Northeast
[the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA)
and the All Tripura Tiger Force (ATTF)].
Such subversive activity has once again brought India-Nepal
border management practices under scrutiny. Increasing counter-insurgency
operations by Nepalese security forces since the breakdown
of the cease-fire on August 27, 2003, have also led to an
influx of Maoist insurgents into areas bordering the Indian
Territory. Moreover, events in the past suggest that whenever
the Nepalese security forces up the ante, Maoist cadres
sneak across the largely unmonitored and porous border to
find safe haven in India.
The Lucknow meeting between the principal leader of the
CPN-UML and contending candidate for Prime Ministership,
Madhav Kumar Nepal, and unidentified senior Maoist leaders,
was held ostensibly to request the insurgents to resume
peace talks. Even as confusion relating to the actual intent
of the Lucknow rendezvous persists, there is mounting evidence
of substantial movement of the Maoist leadership in India,
and their close links with proscribed Indian Left-wing extremist
groups, especially the PWG and MCC. An Asssociated Press
report of December 13, 2003, stated that at least 128
injured Maoists from Nepal had been treated at hospitals
in Uttar Pradesh, which shares a 780 kilometers-long border
with Nepal. An Uttar Pradesh Home Department official, Anil
Kumar Singh, confirmed, further, "The actual number must
be very high, and many rebels, who operate through their
local contacts, get treatment at undisclosed locations."
Three suspected Maoists were arrested on December 8 while
attempting to take an injured insurgent to a hospital in
Lucknow. N. Ravindra, the police chief in the border district
of Balarampur, where the arrests took place, disclosed that
he was reportedly wounded while making explosives. The arrested
suspects have been handed over to Nepal.
Earlier, on November 16, 2003, 7.5 quintals of Sulphur,
reportedly meant for the Nepalese Maoists, were seized by
Indian security forces in the border village of Nautanhawa
in Maharajganj District, Uttar Pradesh. An urgent meeting
of officials from India and Nepal was subsequently conducted
to beef up security in the border areas by increasing the
strength of border forces in Rupandehi, Nawalparasi and
Kapilavastu in Nepal.
The India-Nepal 'open border' is unique in the sense that
people of both the countries can cross it from any point,
though there are specific border check posts as well, including
22 major and 143 sub-posts for bilateral trade. There are,
however, six transit points for nationals of other countries,
who require entry and exit visas to cross the border. The
extremely porous 1,800 kilometre-long border, which has
been maintained according to the Peace and Friendship Treaty
of 1950, offers uninterrupted passage for illegal smuggling
of goods, arms, ammunition and narcotics, as well as human
trafficking from either side. Indian security forces began
to make some efforts to check the immigrants' identity cards,
citizenship papers and work permits after the IC-814 Indian
Airlines hijack from Kathmandu in December 1999. Though
some efforts have continued to check the intrusion of subversive
elements, they have had little impact at ground level, largely
as a result of the unique border arrangements between the
two countries. The problem is compounded by the fact that
both countries have weak, indeed, virtually non-existent,
national identity and documentation systems.
These movements constitute grave risks to security, not
only for Nepal, but for India as well, as the Maoists develop
linkages, not only with ideologically sympathetic groups
in India, but with a number of other subversive groups on
a purely opportunistic basis. Sources in the troubled Northeast
Indian State of Assam indicated in November 2003 that there
was increasing evidence that the proscribed ULFA was forging
links with the Nepalese Maoists and may soon set up bases
in the Himalayan Kingdom. ULFA and the Maoists are reported
to have recently agreed to have the former operate three
new bases in Nepal. Earlier reports suggest that the ULFA
may already have been operating some camps in Nepal. Further,
ULFA and the Maoists have also reportedly agreed to share
training resources. These moves towards closer links with
the Nepalese Maoists may be hastened by the ULFA's current
problems in Bhutan, where there is a strong possibility
of the Royal Bhutanese Army (RBA) launching an operation
against Indian insurgent outfits holed up in the country's
jungles.
There is also some speculation that the ammunition and explosives
seized in June-July 2003 from the Jogarpara village of Bogra
district in Bangladesh were to be smuggled into Nepal for
the Maoist insurgents, with the ATTF acting as a conduit.
The police had arrested, among others, a suspected cadre
of the ATTF, a tribal insurgent group operating in the North-Eastern
Indian State of Tripura.
There have been many instances that establish the fact that
the Nepalese Maoists have been procuring weapons and are
conducting joint training camps along the Bihar-Nepal border.
In the recent past, the Maoist movement along the 735 kilometre-long
Bihar-Nepal border has been significant in the Sitamarhi,
Sheohar and Madhubani districts. Similarly, Darjeeling and
Siliguri in West Bengal have also been utilized by the Maoists
to establish links with Indian extremists.
The Maoists are also in a process of strengthening their
alliance with other South Asian left-wing extremist groups
through the Coordination Committee of Maoist Parties and
Organizations of South Asia (CCOMPOSA)
to create and effectively utilize the Compact Revolutionary
Zone (CRZ). Along the border areas in north Bihar they have
formed an 'Indo-Nepal Border Regional Committee' (INBRC)
to co-ordinate their activities. The porous Bihar-Nepal
border, the general breakdown of rule of law, poor governance,
and lack of sincerity and incapacity of the police forces
provides a context for these groups to operate with relative
ease.
Meanwhile, the rebels have also started strengthening their
position in the Tarai region all along Nepal's southern
borders, which constitutes 23.1% of Nepal's total area and
46.7% of its population. In a meeting of top- security officials
in Kathmandu on October 14, 2003, Prime Minister Surya Bahadur
Thapa candidly accepted the increasing Maoist presence in
the Tarai region and the "lack of coordination among the
security forces in quelling the insurgency." In the past,
the mountainous terrain of the Central and West districts
has proven ideal for the Maoists' hit and run guerrilla
warfare, but the plains of the Tarai do not lend themselves
as easily to these tactics, and the security forces have
generally had an upper hand. Nevertheless, the chronic neglect
of the 19 districts in the Tarai region is certainly helping
the Maoists spread their tentacles all along the 15 border
districts in the Tarai, as also enabling increased movement
from and to India. The increasing activity of Indian Left-wing
extremist groups in the districts of Northern Bihar, close
to the Nepali Tarai region, especially MCC, which was earlier
confined to southern Bihar, is evidence of the deepening
nexus between the Nepali Maoists and Indian extremists.
In another deeply disturbing development, on December 7,
2003, Baburam Bhattarai, chief of the United People's Front,
the 'political wing' of the Maoists, claimed that they were
trying to 'organize' the approximately 10 million Nepalese
in India. These Nepalese are primarily concentrated in Sikkim,
Darjeeling, Siliguri, Shillong, Dehradun, Himachal Pradesh
and the Gorakpur-Lucknow belts. It is plausible that much
of this 'organizing' would be routed through the Akhil Bharatiya
Nepali Ekta Samaj (ABNES),
which is a proscribed group in India under the Prevention
of Terrorism Act (POTA),
2002. ABNES was originally founded to work for the 'unity
and welfare' of Nepalese residing in India. Gradually, it
evolved into a front organization for the Nepalese Maoists
and is increasingly identified with the demand for a 'Greater
Nepal', which includes Indian territories. Sources indicate
that ABNES secretary Bamdev Chhetri had visited Jammu in
September 2001 to establish contact with Kashmiri militant
groups in order to set up a supply line for arms for the
CPN (Maoist). Chhetri was eventually arrested by Indian
authorities in September 2002 and subsequently deported
to Nepal. The arrest of Chandra Prakash Gajurel, a member
of the Maoist politburo, at Chennai airport in Tamil Nadu
in August 2003, when he was trying to travel to Europe to
lobby for external support for their cause also needs to
be seen in this context.
While India has been primarily concentrating on securing
its borders with Pakistan and Bangladesh, its open border
system with Nepal is now evidently threatened by continuing
Maoist transgressions. It is imperative that existing border
management practices are reviewed in the light of the rapidly
changing dynamics of insurgency within Nepal, and their
overflow into India, as well as of the need to maintain
a 'terror free' border between the two countries.
Nagaland: The Dynamics of Extortion
Sashinungla
Research Associate, ICM Database & Documentation Centre,
Guwahati
On August
29, people of Mokokchung town resolved to stop paying any
'tax' - an euphemism for extortion - to insurgent groups.
Shortly afterwards, the National Socialist Council of Nagalim,
Isak-Muivah faction (NSCN-IM),
issued a ban on 'tax collection' by any individual or organisation
within 'Nagalim' (the 'Greater Nagaland' that the NSCN-IM
demands), and warned of stern action against defying the
diktat. In fact, in July 2002, right after an internal reshuffle,
the new 'home minister' of the outfit, A.K. Lungalong, had
said: "We must give way to a more systematic method of administration
and to 'streamline tax collection' and initiate steps to
check 'over-taxation'."
Extortion remains a fact of life in Nagaland. In spite of
the peace talks between the NSCN-IM and the Government of
India, as well as the official ceasefire between the Khaplang
faction (NSCN-K)
and the Government, large-scale 'tax collection' continues
all over the State and even in areas in other neighbouring
States where these groups have considerable influence. Official
information data indicates that, out of 249 cases registered
under various sections of law just during July and August
2003, 138 persons were arrested. Eighteen of them were insurgents
and 29 extortionists linked to either of the insurgent groups.
In the month of May 2002, police in Kohima arrested at least
7 NSCN-K cadres while they were extorting money from shopkeepers.
Similarly, five arrests occurred in three cases of extortion
in the month of July in Mokokchung alone. And for each reported
case there are dozens of others that secure silent compliance.
Both NSCN factions have been extorting money from Government
employees as well as the trading community. While the IM
faction has fixed 25 percent of gross salary as the amount
to be contributed to the coffers of the outfit annually,
the Khaplang group collects 24 percent as its share from
each of the Government employees in the State, as well as
in all Naga inhabited areas of neighbouring States. The
arrest of two NSCN-IM cadres from North Cachar hills district
of Assam, in January 2002, led to the discovery of the outfit's
plan to levy a 25 percent 'tax' on the salaries of employees
in the area.
The situation in Mokokchung also illustrates the modus operandi
that is executed over all ten districts of Nagaland. Every
household in most villages in Mokokchung district has been
paying Rupees 120 to 150 to both the groups (IM & K) annually
under two separate categories: 'house tax' and 'army collection'.
Additionally, Rupees One per head is collected annually
as 'membership fee' by each faction. The payments demands
are met mechanically, as any opposition carries an inherent
threat of death. On occasion, a separate collection called
'public collection' is also done in the name of 'civilians'
(a sort of go-between between the armed cadres and the public).
Villagers are also obliged to provide the armed cadres food
and lodging during their periodic 'area tours'. The costs
are met by 'ajungben saru' (emergency collection) from every
household in the village. During a recent interview a Village
Council Member in Mokokchung district said: "It is not just
about the amount of money we pay, but also the negotiation,
threats, process of collection, 'nature and place' of payment
and much more".
Another major source of such revenue consists of collections
from the drivers of each truck passing through Kohima. A
sum of Rupees 500 is collected from each truck as 'protection
money'. The stretch of NH-39, between Kohima and Dimapur
provides a perfect setting for this sort of activity. Trucks
carrying onions and potatoes from Assam into Nagaland also
pay a 'patriotic tax'. In August last year, a Member of
the Legislative Assembly (MLA) of the Manipur People's Party
(MPP), Okram Joy, in a letter to Deputy Prime Minister,
L. K. Advani pointed out that NSCN-IM militants had opened
their office at Dimapur in Nagaland to collect illegal taxes
from drivers of Manipur. The Manipur Chief Minister Okram
Ibobi had also drawn the attention of the Prime Minister
to the fact that the NSCN-IM militants were collecting Rs.
30 million per month from the Manipuri vehicles in Nagaland.
Last year, the Indo-Myanmar border trade in Chandel district
was severely affected due to non-plying of vehicles after
the NSCN-IM served notices to all owners of vehicles operating
along the Imphal-Moreh National Highway No.39 to pay a 'tax'
ranging between Rupees 900 and 1700 per trip. As many as
200 such vehicles ply daily on the route.
The NSCN-IM, according to a report of the Union Ministry
of Home Affairs (MHA) in 2001, made over Rs. 1,500 million
per annum through extortion and other means.
The militant outfits in the State have other illegal and
'political' means of generating incomes. The NSCN-IM is
reportedly involved in vehicle lifting activities. In May
2002, police recovered a 9mm Taiwan made pistol with 6 rounds,
29 counterfoils of demand notes/receipts of the 'Angami
region of the Government of People's Republic of Nagaland'
(GPRN), as well as some fake number plates and vehicle documents
used in stealing vehicles, from five arrested NSCN-IM members
at Dimapur. There are also allegations of flows of funds
from and to politicians in the State. In August this year,
Congress leaders in New Delhi accused the NSCN-IM of paying
Rupees 50 million to former Arunachal Pradesh Chief Minister
Gegong Apang to topple the Congress Government headed by
Chief Minister Mukut Mithi.
The NSCN-IM claims a traditional right over 'tax collection'.
"Collection of taxes could not be termed as an extortion
or looting as the organization had been collecting 'legal
taxes'" to run the organization, the NSCN-IM declared in
a statement on August 1, 2003. To persons acquainted with
the dynamics of the group's operations, it is not difficult
to understand the rationale behind such collections, even
when peace parleys continue with the Government of India.
As one commentator notes:
As
negotiations go on in Bangkok, Amsterdam and Delhi,
the wood is sometimes missed for the trees. Solutions
are to be reached. But there is this commerce to look
into, armies to feed and run. The machinery, in spite
of the ceasefire, has to be oiled, not to fight the
Army but to maim and kill cadres of rival factions.
In other words, both factions of the NSCN need funds
for sustenance. Funds that come from unwilling donations
from the people.
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There have
also been allegations over the NSCN-IM's reported collection
of huge sums of money from the business community for foreign
trips. "When a battalion of NGOs' representatives goes to
Bangkok, it involves a huge expenditure. We have received
complaints of such forcible collection of money at Dimapur.
It is a terrible burden on the business community," former
Nagaland Chief Minister S. C. Jamir had stated in May 2002.
There are also instances that a significant portion of the
collected amount is channelled for private business enterprises
of the insurgent outfits. In a startling revelation, a Home
Ministry report on Northeast militants in 2001 stated, "Muivah
has bought 12,450 shares worth US$1,25,000 (equivalent to
about INR six million) listed to an Irish multinational
company, well known for the production of consumer goods".
The report also noted that the NSCN-IM had prepared a 'balance
sheet' showing an expenditure of Rs. 200 million, but that
actually amounted to US $500 million, as its chief had invested
in real estate, shares, hotels and the proprietorship of
several companies.
The impact of such 'tax collection' has been significant
on the personal lives of civilians, as also on the economy
of the State. "In every developmental project or any business
transaction, after NSCN-IM cut off their lion's share, other
groups; NSCN-K and NNC, will also cut their share. When
so little amount is left for the people, development is
difficult", rued a senior Naga Mothers' Association (NMA)
leader in Kohima on condition of anonymity. "Government
employees in the State can hardly take home a fraction of
their month's salary; shops close down by mid-day and by
3 pm the streets wear a deserted look; demanding free meals
from hotels and essential commodities from shops is part
of the militants' 'style'; vehicles are taken forcibly without
paying money; list of medicines are demanded from pharmacy
owners; free use is made of commercial printing presses;
officers and public leaders are constantly subjected to
threats and demands by way of calls, chits and messengers.
As a result, many business establishments in the towns have
closed down, and prices of all commodities are the highest
in this State."
After the NSCN-IM served an extortion note of Rs. 6 million
on Oil India Limited (OIL), work at the Khumsai oil-well
in the Changlang District of Arunachal Pradesh has been
suspended, resulting in a loss of Rupees 200 to300 million
annually. Recently, the Border Road Task Force (BRTF) in
Nagaland decided to indefinitely suspend work in Wokha-Bokajan
sector of the State following extortion and threats from
'armed miscreants'. Rs. 43,900 and material were robbed
at gunpoint in the night of September 7 from the BRTF, who
are deployed in the State for construction and maintenance
works on various roads.
There are also cases when civilians have been targeted by
rival outfits. Just a few days before the 'National Day
of Prayer' organised by the NCF [Nagaland Christian Forum]
and Naga Hoho for the settlement of the Naga political problem
in August 2002, gun-toting members of the Naga National
Council (NNC) abducted the village chairmen of three villages
near the Nagaland-Manipur interstate border in Manipur and
demanded a huge ransom.
The widespread extortion machinery has also given rise to
fake cadres who collect money in the name of the established
insurgent groups. In August this year, reports suggested
the presence of a gang of unidentified extortionists who
had been extracting money from small traders and businessman
at gunpoint, and who had injured one person near the High
School area at Kohima.
Even in the prevailing environment of enveloping fear and
anxiety, where refusal to pay brings death, occasional voices
of protest do emerge in the State. Thus, the people of Tuensang
made a submission to the Nagaland Baptist Church Council
(NBCC) Peace Committee, which toured the Shamator, Noklak
and Tuensang towns between April 11 and 17, 2003, stating,
"Independence cannot come by killing the innocent public
by the Nagas. Illiterate villagers and village council members
are treated as second-class citizens. Villagers dying because
of their beating. Poor villagers cannot longer feed them."
Even though the NSCN-IM has proclaimed a public ban on 'taxation'
with effect from August 28, 2003, and no instances of extortion
have been reported in the media since, such a situation
is likely to be short-lived. There were already complaints
about an NSCN-IM 'double extortion' spree in the neighbouring
State of Manipur. Evidently, in a situation where hardly
any militant group exists without some sort of 'taxation'
or extortion base, either within or outside their own State,
effectively ending such coercive resource mobilization could
undermine the very foundations of such organisations, leading
to their marginalisation and possible collapse.
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Weekly Fatalities: Major Conflicts
in South Asia
December 8-14, 2003
  |
Civilian
|
Security
Force Personnel
|
Terrorist
|
Total
|
BANGLADESH
|
2
|
0
|
2
|
4
|
INDIA
|
Assam
|
5
|
0
|
3
|
8
|
Jammu
&
Kashmir
|
11
|
2
|
26
|
39
|
Left-wing
Extremism
|
2
|
0
|
2
|
4
|
Manipur
|
1
|
0
|
4
|
5
|
Tripura
|
1
|
0
|
3
|
4
|
Total (INDIA)
|
20
|
2
|
38
|
60
|
NEPAL
|
1
|
13
|
76
|
90
|
* Provisional
data compiled from English language media sources.
|
BANGLADESH
Former
Premier
Sheikh
Hasina
accuses
Jamaat-e-Islami
of
harbouring
terrorists:
Addressing
a
meeting
in
Dhaka
on
December
14,
2003,
former
Premier
and
Awami
League
President,
Sheikh
Hasina,
alleged
that
the
ruling
coalition
partner
Jamaat-e-Islami
was
harbouring
over
a
dozen
fundamentalist
terrorist
groups
in
the
country.
She
also
accused
them
of
targeting
Awami
League
and
other
pro-liberation
forces
in
a
bid
to
eliminate
them.
Daily
Star,
December
15,
2003.
Country
emerging
as
terrorist
haven
in
South
Asia,
indicates
report:
The
Associated
Press
quoting
an
intelligence
report
by
the
Canadian
Security
Intelligence
Service
(CSIS)
has
said
that
Bangladesh
may
be
emerging
as
a
haven
for
Islamist
terrorists
in
South
Asia.
The
CSIS
has
expressed
concern
about
serious
attacks
by
radicals
on
cultural
groups
in
Bangladesh,
hints
of
collusion
with
Osama
bin
Laden's
Al
Qaeda
and
the
Government's
alleged
unwillingness
to
crack
down
on
terrorism.
The
CSIS
report
has
also
suggested
that
Canadian
aid
agencies
having
a
strong
presence
in
Bangladesh
may
also
face
a
threat.
Meanwhile,
speaking
to
the
media
at
the
Ministry
of
Foreign
Affairs
in
Dhaka
on
December
11,
2003,
Foreign
Minister
Morshed
Khan
stated
that
the
Government
was
determined
not
to
allow
any
terrorist
group
to
operate
in
Bangladesh.
Ruling
out
the
possibility
of
any
terrorist
networks
in
Bangladesh,
he
also
denied
that
his
country
had
any
links
with
the
Taliban
and
Al
Qaeda.
Independent
Bangladesh,
December
12,
2003;
Hindustan
Times,
December
10,
2003.
BHUTAN
Government
asks
people
not
to
collect
funds
or
raise
additional
militia
without
its
order:
While
appreciating
the
concern
of
the
people
over
the
threat
posed
by
the
presence
in
Bhutan
of
three
terrorist
groups
active
in
India's
Northeast,
the
Home
Ministry
in
an
announcement
has
disallowed
any
individual
or
organization
from
mobilizing
funds
or
manpower
or
take
other
unauthorized
initiatives.
Bhutanese
are
reportedly
holding
meetings
across
the
country
to
raise
additional
militia
volunteers.
The
Government
has
stated
that
in
case
of
need
it
will
make
a
formal
announcement
in
this
regard.
Kuensel
Online,
December
14,
2003.
INDIA
India
to
focus
on
terrorism
at
January
2004
SAARC
Summit,
says
J&K
Chief
Minister:
India
will
focus
on
the
eradication
of
terrorism
during
the
January
2004
South
Asian
Association
for
Regional
Cooperation
(SAARC)
Summit
in
Pakistan,
which
is
to
be
attended
by
the
Indian
Premier,
Atal
Behari
Vajpayee.
This
was
stated
in
Delhi
on
December
14,
2003,
by
the
Jammu
and
Kashmir
(J&K)
Chief
Minister
Mufti
Mohammed
Sayeed
after
his
meetings
with
Vajpayee
and
Deputy
Premier
L.K.
Advani.
"The
focus
of
SAARC
summit
will
be
complete
eradication
of
terrorism
from
the
civil
society
as
people
in
the
entire
sub-continent
want
to
breath
in
a
fearless
atmosphere,"
he
said.
In
the
event
of
Vajpayee
holding
bilateral
talks
with
the
Pakistani
leadership,
Sayeed
said
issues
like
enhancing
people-to-people
contacts,
consolidation
of
the
ongoing
cease-fire
and
the
starting
of
a
Srinagar-Muzzafarbad
bus
service
could
also
be
discussed.
Hindustan
Times,
December
14,
2003.
NSCN-IM
reiterates
'Greater
Nagaland'
demand
at
Bangkok
talks:
The
National
Socialist
Council
of
Nagaland-Isak-Muivah
(NSCN-IM)
has
reportedly
insisted
on
their
'Greater
Nagaland'
demand
during
the
three
rounds
of
talks
with
the
Union
Government
emissary
K.
Padmanabaiah
in
Bangkok
which
concluded
on
December
9,
2003.
The
NSCN-IM
leadership
reiterated
that
'integration
of
Naga
areas'
is
a
non-negotiable
issue
even
as
the
two
sides
agreed
to
meet
in
New
Delhi
in
the
near
future
to
'maintain
the
pace'
of
negotiations.
Meanwhile,
a
joint
statement
issued
at
the
end
of
the
dialogue
indicated
that
discussions
on
all
substantive
issues
were
carried
out
and
both
parties
were
pleased
with
the
progress
thus
far.
Assam
Tribune,
December
10,
2003.
PAKISTAN
President
Musharraf
escapes
assassination
attempt
in
Rawalpindi:
President
Pervez
Musharraf
escaped
an
assassination
attempt
on
December
14,
2003,
when
an
explosive
device
went
off
at
the
Chaklala
Bridge
near
Jhanda
Chichi
in
Rawalpindi,
approximately
two
minutes
after
the
departure
of
his
convoy.
However,
no
loss
of
life
or
injury
was
reported.
The
President
was
reportedly
returning
to
Army
House
after
landing
at
the
Islamabad
Airport
following
his
Karachi
trip.
The
Chaklala
Bridge
is
approximately
two
kilometers
away
from
Musharraf's
official
residence,
Army
House.
Information
Minister
Sheikh
Rashid
Ahmed,
while
confirming
the
explosion,
said
in
Lahore
that
no
individual
or
group
has
claimed
responsibility
thus
far.
Meanwhile,
President
Musharraf
later
told
reporters
in
Islamabad
that
"It
was
certainly
a
terrorist
act
and,
certainly,
it
was
me
who
was
targeted…"
Jang,
December
15,
2003.
Former
Premier
Benazir
Bhutto
admits
Pakistan
backed
low-intensity
conflict
in
Kashmir:
The
visiting
former
Pakistani
Prime
Minister,
Benazir
Bhutto,
said
in
Delhi
on
December
13,
2003,
that
Islamabad
had
backed
a
low-intensity
conflict
in
Jammu
and
Kashmir
during
her
first
tenure
as
Head
of
Government
in
the
early
1980s.
According
to
her,
this
had
been
done
to
"hype"
the
Kashmir
issue
and
was
a
joint
decision
taken
by
the
military
and
political
leadership.
The
Hindu,
December
14,
2003.
Taliban
being
aided
by
some
elements
in
Pakistan,
says
Afghan
diplomat:
Wali
Masoud,
Afghanistan's
Ambassador
to
Britain
and
brother
of
the
late
Northern
Alliance
leader
Ahmad
Shah
Masoud,
has
said
that
the
Taliban
are
still
active
in
his
country
and
are
being
aided
by
some
elements
in
Pakistan.
He
said
this
on
the
eve
of
the
convening
of
Loya
Jirga
(National
Assembly
of
Afghanistan)
on
December
14,
2003,
to
approve
a
new
constitution.
"The
Taliban,
everyone
knows,
are
coming
from
across
the
border
(in
Pakistan).
It
is
a
form
of
cross-border
terrorism
supported
by
some
sections
in
Pakistan,"
said
Masoud.
Rediff,
December
13,
2003.
SRI LANKA
President
Kumaratunga
and
Premier
Wickremesinghe
fail
to
end
political
impasse:
President
Chandrika
Kumaratunga
and
Prime
Minister
Ranil
Wickremesinghe
held
extensive
discussions
on
the
peace
process
at
President
House
in
Colombo
on
December
10,
2003.
However,
the
talks
failed
to
end
the
ongoing
political
deadlock.
An
unnamed
Presidential
aide
said
that
the
three-hour
meeting
focused
primarily
on
issues
concerning
the
peace
process
and
the
Government's
position
on
the
proposals
of
the
Liberation
Tigers
of
Tamil
Eelam
(LTTE).
The
meeting
was
reportedly
held
in
response
to
a
request
made
by
the
President
at
the
previous
meeting
to
outline
the
Premier's
stance
on
the
LTTE's
proposals
for
an
Interim
Self
Governing
Authority
in
the
North-East
region.
Daily
News,
December
11,
2003.
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