SOUTH ASIA INTELLIGENCE REVIEW
Weekly Assessments & Briefings
Volume 11, No. 15, October 15, 2012

PAKISTAN

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Destroying the Future
Ambreen Agha
Research Assistant, Institute for Conflict Management

In a most deplorable pre-planned act of terror, the Swat Chapter of Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), also known as Swat Taliban, targeted the fourteen year old children’s rights activist and Pakistan’s first National Peace Prize winner Malala Yusufzai, on October 9, 2012, while she was returning from her school in Mingora, the headquarter of Swat District in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP). Yusufzai was shot in the head and remains in a ‘critical but stable’ condition at the time of writing.

As always, the TTP claimed responsibility for the attack with immense pride, though TTP ‘spokesman’ Ehsanullah Ehsan denied targeting the activist because of her demands for education, asserting,

We carried out this attack, and anybody who speaks against us will be attacked in the same way. Malala is targeted because of her pioneer role in preaching secularism and so-called enlightened moderation… She was young but she was promoting Western culture in Pashtun areas. She was pro-West, she was speaking against the Taliban and she was calling President Obama her idol.

Adding to the plight of the girl, the spokesman further threatened that she would be targeted again if she survives, because she was a “secular-minded lady”. He also warned that other youngsters who were involved in similar activities would also be targeted.

Yusufzai had been awarded the National Peace Prize on December 19, 2011, for her struggle against TTP’s ban on girl education in 2009. The then Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani had directed the Cabinet to award the National Peace Prize every year to a child younger than 18, who contributes to peace and education in the country. The attack on Malala, however, demonstrates the risks of such projection, even as the tightening grip of TTP in the region makes life impossible for such young activists.

Yusufzai had chronicled the ban on girls’ education with British Broadcasting Corporation’s (BBC’s) Urdu Online Diary. In another interview with CNN, on November 24, 2011, Malala declared, “I was scared of being beheaded by the Taliban because of my passion for education. During their rule, the Taliban used to march into our houses to check whether we were studying or watching television.” Fearing house searches and a Taliban rampage, Yusufzai would hide her books under her bed.

Reports indicate that Maulana Fazlullah alias Mullah Radio, the leader of the sectarian terrorist Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi (TNSM), which forged an alliance with the TTP after the Lal Masjid (Red Mosque) Operation in 2007, had personally briefed two local shooters from his hit squads to target the 14 year old girl, whose insistent campaigning for western style education and secularism over the past four years had infuriated the Islamist extremists. The Fazlullah-led TTP in Swat had earlier issued death threats against Yusufzai, but she remained undeterred.

The failure to kill Malala has turned the TTP’s ire against her father, Ziauddin Yusufzai, who is a member of the Swat Qaumi Jirga (Swat National Council), an anti-Taliban peace jirga. A spokesman of the Swat Taliban, Sirajuddin Ahmad, presently based in the Kunar Province of Afghanistan, threatened that, having failed to kill Malala Yusufzai, they would target her father.

While the Malala Yusufzai incident has had a strong international resonance because of the tender age of the victim, and her exceptional courage in standing against the extremists, the targeting of critics of the TTP’s agenda, and of others who fail to adhere to the group’s arbitrary and fanatical ‘moral codes’ has been routine since the rise of the group in 2007. The assassination of the then Punjab Governor Salman Taseer on January 4, 2011, was among the most dramatic cases of the targeting of those who questioned the extremists’ codes. Taseer was killed by his own bodyguard, in retaliation against the Governor’s denunciation of the controversial blasphemy law and his advocacy for Aasia Bibi, the Christian woman sentenced to death on November 7, 2010, for alleged blasphemy. The TTP claimed responsibility for the attack, declaring, “The man who killed him (Taseer) was from among us.” The assassin, Malik Mumtaz Husain Qadri, was lionized by a group of 500 Pakistani clerics praised who declared him a Ghazi (Islamic warrior), and warned people against attending Taseer’s funeral prayers, claiming that such action would tantamount to blasphemy. Another prominent victim of Pakistan’s extremist tide was the Federal Minister for Minorities Affairs, Shahbaz Bhatti, killed on March 2, 2011, in the same context of his opposition to the blasphemy law.

The situation is infinitely compounded by the complex nexus between Islamist terrorists – principally the TTP, LeJ and Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) – religious organisations, politicians, and the military and its various covert agencies. Significantly, the murder of Syed Saleem Shahzad, the Asia Times Online Pakistan Bureau Chief, on June 1, 2011, in the Mandi Bahauddin District of Punjab, widely believed to have been executed by the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI), demonstrates the shared objectives of the extremist formations and state agencies in suppressing all dissenting or critical voices. Shahzad’s book, Inside al Qaeda and the Taliban: Beyond Bin Laden and 9/11, had exposed ISI-al Qaeda involvement in the November 26, 2008, Mumbai terrorist attacks (26/11). The book had argued that the attack was scripted by ISI officers and approved for execution by al Qaeda ‘commanders’. Shahzad’s writings immediately before his ‘detention’ by the ISI, and his subsequent killing, had also drawn attention to the role of “insiders” in the attack on the Mehran Naval Air Base in Karachi on May 22, 2011.

The media has been an easy and vulnerable target of extremist attacks. On October 13, 2012, the TTP Chief Hakimullah Mehsud issued "special directions" to his subordinates in different cities of Pakistan to target media groups, both Pakistani and international, for their hostile coverage of the TTP in the wake of the Malala Yusafzai incident. An Interior Ministry official is reported to have disclosed that Intelligence Agencies had intercepted a phone conversation between Mehsud and a subordinate, Nadeem Abbas alias Intiqami, in which the TTP Chief was heard directing Abbas to attack media organisations.

Over the years, the spaces of freedom in Pakistan have been progressively diminished as a result of Islamist extremist intimidation and terrorism. According to South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP), a total of at least 41 journalists have been killed in Pakistan since 1994 (all data till October 14, 2012), and the Committee to Protect Journalists described Pakistan as “the world's deadliest country for the press for the second consecutive year” in 2011. Among recent incidents, on February 21, 2012, Ashraf Khan, a Karachi-based correspondent for The Associated Press, received a handwritten letter in Urdu saying that the TTP was “watching his every move”. He was warned to stop working for the dajjal (infidel) media and refrain from his “anti-Islam activities”. Regrettably, instead of providing him protection, he was asked to quit his job by his organisation.

In another bold attack on January 25, 2012, TTP militants opened fire at the offices of local news channel Aaj TV in Karachi, injuring two persons, including a security guard. The TTP claimed responsibility for the shooting, and threatened attacks against other television channels that failed to feature their point of view. Ehsanullah Ehsan of TTP declared, “We had informed the management of Aaj TV to include our view on issues, but the channel had become a mouthpiece of the Government.” Further, threatening Geo News TV Channel, Ehsan warned, “Geo TV is going to be our next target if they do not change their behaviour towards us. They have been using very bad language against the Mujahideen.”       

TTP’s lexicon has always been replete with anti-West and anti-women ideologies, advocating the establishment of its distorted model of ‘Islamist’ governance’. Significantly, Swat has faced a brunt of the TTP challenge as a result of the severe erosion of the structures of governance, and the growing and excessive exposure to extremist violence, particularly by the Swat Taliban, which targets women and young girls from coming into public life. Their tactic of bombing girls’ schools is the most visible symbol of their broader regressive ideology, reducing opportunities for education and growth among girls to a minimal. During their reign of terror from 2007 to 2009, when Swat had been surrendered by Islamabad to TTP control, some 400 private schools had discontinued girls’ education. This announcement had come in the wake of a deadline of January 15, 2009, issued by Maulana Fazlullah on December 24, 2008. Nearly 40,000 girls were denied their basic right to seek education as a result of this single action.

According to partial data compiled by the SATP, at least 52 schools were destroyed in 33 incidents in KP in 2009; 28 were destroyed in 22 such incidents in 2010; 59 schools were blown up in 69 incidents in 2011; and 47 schools have already been attacked in 49 incidents in 2012.

The brutal attack on Malala Yusafzai has provoked mass protests across Pakistan and has brought many religious scholars and clerics to openly condemn the attack and urge the Government to eliminate the terrorists wherever they are hiding or operating. A conglomeration of 23 Barelvi Muslim organisations, Sunni Ittehad Council (SIC), which was formed in 2009 with a ‘declared agenda’ to counter the extremist TTP ideology and initially organised several anti-TTP rallies, also issued a fatwa that declared the attempted assassination on Malala as "un-Islamic". However, SIC had lent support to Punjab Governor Salman Taseer’s assassin in 2011. Indeed, the SIC has undermined its own agenda by threatening the state with “anarchy” if Asia Bibi were to be pardoned for her alleged blasphemy. SIC’s anti-extremist position has been constrained by its own reactionary sectarian outlook. Moreover, one of SIC’s constituent organisations, Sunni Tehreek (ST), has been included in the Interior Ministry’s watch list of banned outfits. On February 10, 2012, intelligence agencies advised strict surveillance over ST, which was not only becoming politically active, but was also believed to be morphing into a terrorist formation.

The widespread outrage over the Malala Yusufzai incident is not, however, a credible index of any change in the civil-military strategy in dealing with Islamist extremism and terrorism in Pakistan. Though the attack is, as Foreign Minister Hina Rabbani Khar expressed it, a “wake-up call”, there have been many such alarms in the past as well, with no concrete or sustained state response thereafter. It is Islamabad’s policy of duplicity and deceit that has created and sustained spaces for Islamist extremism and terrorism in Pakistan, and exported violence beyond its borders. Despite growing alarm among the general public and limited political constituencies over the rising anarchy and collapse of institutions in the country, however, there is little evidence that this broader strategy of deception has been significantly diluted. Horrifying as the Malala Yusufzai incident is, it is less a ‘wake up call’, and more of a sign of things to come.

INDIA

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Jharkhand: The Mask of Ideology
Fakir Mohan Pradhan
Research Associate, Institute for Conflict Management

On October 8, 2012, Jharkhand formally launched a special security operation against People's Liberation Front of India (PLFI), a splinter group of the Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) in Khunti, Simdega, and Gumla Districts. Personnel from Central reserve Police Force (CRPF) including Commando Battalion for Resolute Action (CoBRA), Jharkhand Jaguar and Jharkhand Armed Police are participating in the offensive. This is the first time in the State that the CRPF has been involved in an operation against a Left-Wing Extremist (LWE) group other than the CPI-Maoist, though the State Police have, on earlier occasions, launched offensives against LWE groups other than the CPI-Maoist. The current offensive recognizes the growing threat from PLFI.

As on October 13, however, the offensive was yet to produce any significant success. S. N. Pradhan, Inspector General of Police, Special Branch (IG-SB), and spokesperson Jharkhand Police stated, "The rebels seem to have either left the jungles or gone underground. Around 12 active members of the PLFI have been arrested from the three Districts." PLFI ‘zonal commanders’ Jidan Gudiya and Jetha Kashyap, and ‘area commander’ Tilkeshwar Gope, were reportedly ‘surrounded’, but managed to escape.

Earlier, PLFI ‘sub-zonal commander’ Mangal Nagesiya had called a bandh (general shutdown) on October 9 and 10 in Gumla and Simdega Districts against the operation. However, the bandh received lukewarm response, though a bus was set ablaze at the Gumla bus stand on October 11 by PLFI cadres.

Unconfirmed media reports claim that suspected PLFI cadres have killed 96 persons in Khunti District over the past 10 months.

Incidents involving PLFI: 2006-2012

Major incidents (each involving three or more fatalities), in which PLFI has been involved, include:

August 25, 2012: Three persons were shot dead by the PLFI cadres at Adeldih in Khunti District. A note left by the extremists accused them of being police informers.

June 6, 2011: A group of PLFI cadres, lead by it 'sub-zonal commander' Mangal Nagesia, shot dead three persons, said to be supporters of the CPI-Maoist, at Jamgai village of Gumla District in Jharkhand. The incident was suspected to be a revenge killing, as five PLFI cadres had been killed by their CPI-Maoist rivals during a marriage reception function at Loki village, about half a kilometer from Jamgai on May 15.

May 16, 2011: Four persons of a family were killed by PLFI cadres at Dakeya village under Basia Police Station in Gumla District in Jharkhand.

May 15, 2011: Five PLFI cadres were shot dead by Maoists at a wedding ceremony in Loki village at Raidih in Gumla District in Jharkhand.

January 30, 2011: Around 10 to 15 cadres of the PLFI abducted and subsequently killed three youth in Hulsu village on the outskirts of Ranchi District in Jharkhand.

September 26, 2009: Four PLFI cadres, including an ‘area commander’, were killed in a clash with the CPI-Maoist at Nawatoli village in Gumla District.

May 9, 2009: Three suspected PLFI cadres were lynched by villagers at Kumaria in the Gumla District.

March 8, 2009: Three PLFI cadres were killed in an encounter with Security Forces (SFs) at Chatakpur village under Sneha Police Station in the Lohardaga District.

January 31, 2009: Four villagers were shot dead by suspected PLFI cadres in Chalgi village, Khunti District, possibly as a result of internal rivalry.

The PLFI’s activities are principally connected with extortion and, according to one estimate, the organization collects over INR 1.5 billion annually in ‘levies’. S. N. Pradhan, observes, "They (PLFI) have overtaken the Maoists and are flourishing, flaunting the name of Maoists." Ironically, the PLFI had earlier been ‘used’ by the Police to exploit the turf war between the groups and to weaken the Maoists.

The rise of PLFI, headed by Dinesh Gope, is an interesting story of crime, caste, politics and Left Wing extremism. Sources indicate that Dinesh Gope was a petty criminal working under his elder brother Suresh Gope, who operated in areas around Ranchi. Suresh Gope’s rise had been facilitated by Rajputs of the area to counter another gangster, Jayanath Sahu alias Samrat. The Sahus are a powerful business-moneylender community. Suresh was killed in an encounter with Jharkhand Police on December 22, 2003, when had gone to collect on an extortion demand. Dinesh was also said to be present, but managed to escape. Thereafter, Dinesh took charge of the gang and worked meticulously to extend its area of operation. The gang was initially named the Jharkhand Liberation Tigers (JLT) in September 2004. The rivalry with Jayanth Sahu continued, principally over collecting ‘levies’, expanding turf and caste identity. Though he failed to neutralize Sahu, by 2007, Dinesh Gope had secured the support of tribals in the area through clever recruitment and maintaining ‘good rapport’ with tribal politicians.

In July 2007, Masi Charan Purty, a senior ‘Commander’ of the CPI-Maoist, defected from the outfit with several of his followers. While Purty was being hunted by the Maoists, Dinesh was looking for ways to out-gun Sahu. It was a win-win proposition, and they joined hands to create the People’s Liberation Front of India (PLFI). Masi created a rudimentary structure within the outfit, and provided a cloak of LWE ideology, even as PLFI declared itself a sworn enemy of the CPI-Maoist.

Purty subsequently landed in Jail, but PLFI continued to grow under Gope’s leadership. The armed strength of the group, according to estimates, fluctuates between 150 to 300 cadres, depending on Police pressure. Compounding the problem is the fact that virtually all petty criminals operating in the area project themselves as PLFI cadres. The outfit functions through several ‘area commanders’. The PLFI’s area of operation of is mainly Ranchi, Khunti, Simdega, Gumla, Latehar, Chatra and Palamu.

The rise and growth of Dinesh Gope and his rivalry with Jayanath Sahu are also said to be entangled with Jharkhand’s unstable politics. In 2005, when the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) was trying to form a Government in the State with a razor-thin majority, one politician, Tileshwar Sahu, was said to have helped the Alliance to secure the support of a few independent MLAs. After the NDA managed to constitute the Government in the State, Tileshwar Sahu, was rewarded with the post of Chairman of the State Pollution Control Board. Tileshwar Sahu, as President of Chhotanagpur Teli Uththan Samaj (Society for the Promotion of Teli Caste), was a long-time backer of Jayanath Sahu. Earlier, Tileshwar Sahu had formed the Shanti Sena (Peace Army, an anti-Maoist private army), and was also said to be the brain behind the political rise of Enos Ekka, a first-time MLA in 2005, who had gained his clout through government contracts and an alliance with the Sahus. However, they fell out sometime in the latter half of 2006, as Ekka switched loyalty and the NDA Government fell in September 2006.

After Ekka broke away from the Sahus, he is alleged to have extended support to Dinesh Gope. On April 16, 2008, when Tileshwar Sahu’s father was killed by unidentified extremists, he lodged an FIR against Enos Ekka for conspiring to kill his father. More recently, one of Tileshwar Sahu’s cousins was also killed by suspected PLFI cadres. Further, on October 27, 2008, Lorence Mundari alias Carlos, a hardcore JLT/PLFI cadre arrested by the Police on October 26, claimed before the media that “JLT chief Dinesh Gope claims that the organisation has the patronage of Shibu Soren”, the former Chief Minister of the State embroiled in bribery and murder charges. Soren denied these links. Nevertheless, it is clear that the PLFI has significant political linkages across the political spectrum in Jharkhand.

The activities of the PLFI are more akin to an organized crime gang than any ideologically driven movement. The group carefully avoids confrontations with the SFs and engages with them only if no other option is available. Its primary concern is extortion from contractors, businessmen, government employees and any one they can lay their hands on. Though PLFI has been involved in stray incidents of damaging economic infrastructure, they target contractors, their employees and construction equipment only when extortion demands are not met.

PLFI’s extortion network and activities extend into Odisha, particularly in the Sundargarh District bordering Jharkhand. On July 8, 2012, for instance, PLFI cadres shot dead Hardeep Singh, a block level politician of the ruling Biju Janata Dal (BJD), in Sundargarh. The Jashpur District in Chhattisgarh, bordering the Simdega District of Jharkhand, has also witnessed PLFI activities. The group was banned in Chhattisgarh with effect from May 26, 2012.

The PLFI has risen under the very nose of the Jharkhand Police who, preoccupied as they most likely were with the greater threat of the CPI-Maoist. PLFI has profited from the lack of any sustained focus on its activities and also by recruiting CPI-Maoist deserters. The group’s activities have, however, grown too far to be ignored any longer, and the present operations are timely – though they are yet to demonstrate results. Given the nebulous nature of the group, its principally criminal character, and its extensive political linkages, it is likely to be resistant to any simple operational strategy that does not involve tackling these peculiarities.

Civilians

Security Force Personnel

Terrorists/Insurgents

Total

INDIA

Assam

Manipur

Meghalaya

Total (INDIA)

PAKISTAN

Balochistan

FATA

Khyber Pakhtunkhwa

Punjab

Sindh

Total (PAKISTAN)