Mapping the Drone | Madheshis: The Power of the Weak | South Asia Intelligence Review (SAIR),Vol. No. 9.6
Show/Hide Search
  Click to Enlarge

Weekly Assessments & Briefings
Volume 9, No. 6, August 16, 2010

Data and assessments from SAIR can be freely published in any form with credit to the South Asia Intelligence Review of the
South Asia Terrorism Portal



Click for PrintPrint

Mapping the Drone
Ajit Kumar Singh
Research Fellow, Institute for Conflict Management

The Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP, earlier known as North West Frontier Province), the militant hub in terror-engulfed Pakistan, are now the location of an ever-increasing cycle of drone attacks by the United States (US). In the latest wave of such attack, at least 13 Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) militants, including ‘commander’ Amir Moaviya, were killed, and six others were injured, when a US drone struck a Hujra (guesthouse) of a tribesman's compound at Eisori village near Mirali, a town in North Waziristan Agency (NWA), on August 14, 2010. Earlier, on July 25, at least 24 persons, a majority of them believed to be local tribal militants, were killed in South Waziristan and North Waziristan Agencies. The US conducted its first drone attack in Pakistan on June 18, 2004, at Wana, the regional headquarters of the South Waziristan Agency (SWA), killing five tribal militants.

Reports indicate that missile attacks by US drones in the FATA have more than tripled since January 20, 2009, when Barack Obama took over the Presidency in USA. According to a BBC Urdu Service report published on July 24, 2010, there were 25 drone strikes between January 2008 and January 2009 in which slightly fewer than 200 people were killed. Between January 20, 2009, and the end of June 2010, there were at least 87 such attacks, killing more than 700 people.

The South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) database records that both the number of drone attacks and casualties have been rising every year, with the exception of 2006, in which there was no such incident recorded. While only one person was killed in a single incident in 2005, the number of fatalities increased to 20 in 2007, in a single attack. In 2008, 156 persons were killed in 19 such incidents. Year 2009 became bloodier, with 46 such incidents killing 536 persons. The first seven months of 2010 have already seen 41 such incidents and 366 fatalities.

Drone attack in Pakistan: 2005-2010

*Data till August 15, 2010.
Source: SATP

The most significant drone attacks in Pakistan includes the following:

January 17, 2010: A US drone strike killed at least 20 Taliban militants, including foreign terrorists (Uzbeks), in the SWA.

October 24, 2009: A suspected US drone killed 33 militants in the Bajaur Agency of FATA. The drone targeted a TTP shura (executive council) meeting in Damadola area.

August 21, 2009: A pre-dawn drone attack killed at least 21 militants in the NWA.

July 8, 2009: 48 militants were killed and several others injured in two separate attacks by US drones in the SWA.

June 23, 2009: Approximately 80 militants, including Khwaz Wali Mehsud, a senior ‘commander’ of the TTP, were killed and several others sustained injuries in two separate attacks by US spy planes on a suspected militant hideout and funeral prayers at Lattaka village of Ladha subdivision in SWA.

February 16, 2009: 30 suspected militants were killed and three others sustained injuries in a missile strike on a refugee camp in the Kurram Agency of FATA.

February 14, 2009: Two missiles fired by US drones killed 28 TTP militants, including foreign nationals, in SWA.

October 3, 2008: US drone strikes on Mohammad Khel village in NWA killed at least 20 suspected militants.

June 19, 2007: At least 22 suspected militants were killed and 10 sustained injuries, when a missile fired by US drone hit a cluster of compounds in the Dattakhel area of NWA.

There is an evident intensification of US drone operations across the tribal regions of Pakistan, as the realization dawns that, despite its intense ground and air operations in Afghanistan, the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) has failed to secure its objectives of weakening the Taliban and al Qaeda in that country, as Pakistan’s tribal areas become the source and sanctuary for Islamist terrorists operating on Afghan soil. The TTP – which has also been lethally active within Pakistan – has provided critical support to al Qaeda and Taliban leaders and operatives. The prime objective of campaign of drone attacks is to flush out the top tier of al-Qaeda's leadership, including Osama bin Laden, and deny sanctuary in FATA for the Taliban/TTP and those militants who regularly slip across the border to attack US forces in Afghanistan. Since the rugged terrain of the region does not allow easy access to ground Forces, the drones have become the ultimate tool of operation.

Significantly, the US has succeeded in eliminating some leadership elements in the target terrorist groups through drone attacks. According to a report in The Long War Journal, drone strikes have killed 15 senior and an equal number of mid-level al Qaeda leaders, and four senior and five mid-level Taliban/TTP leaders since 2004. Some of the most significant kills include Baitullah Mehsud (former TTP ‘commander’), Osama al Kini alias Fahid Mohammed Ally Msalam (al Qaeda's operations chief for Pakistan), Mustafa Abu Yazid alias Sheikh Saeed al Masri (an al Qaeda leader in Afghanistan and top financial controller), Mohammed Haqqani (a mid-level Haqqani Network ‘military commander’ and brother of the outfit’s leader Sirajuddin Haqqani), Abdul Basit Usman (the US had a USD one million bounty on his head), and Abu Jihad al Masri (the leader of the Egyptian Islamic Group and the chief of al Qaeda's intelligence branch). Bewildered by these losses, the TTP, on April 5, 2010, threatened more terrorist and suicide strikes unless the US shelved drone attacks in the FATA.

The efficacy of the drone attacks has, however, been widely contested. While the US insists that these have been targeted with extraordinary precision, with ‘negligible’ collateral damage, a report published in The News on April 8, 2010, claimed that, of 60 cross-border predator strikes carried out by the Afghanistan-based American Forces on Pakistani soil, between January 14, 2006, and April 8, 2009, only 10 were able to hit their intended targets, killing 14 wanted al-Qaeda leaders, besides killing 687 innocent Pakistani civilians, yielding a ‘success rate’ of not more than six per cent. A July 14, 2009, Brookings Institute report titled "Do Targeted Killings Work?" stated that more than 600 civilians are likely to have died in the drone attacks, as compared to approximately 60 militants killed.

Unsurprisingly, there is a great hue and cry inside Pakistan about these attacks and the drones have become a highly emotive political issue in the country. Consequently, the Government and Army protest loudly after each strike. On March 25, 2010, for instance, Interior Minister Rehman Malik said US drone attacks in the tribal areas were being carried out ‘without Pakistan's consent’ and the matter would be taken up with Washington during bilateral discussions. He, however, added that the US was committed to provide drone technology to Pakistan.

Despite their public protestations, however, Islamabad, under tremendous US pressure, is secretly cooperating with the US by providing much of the human intelligence that allows the drones to target safe houses in the tribal area where al-Qaida and Taliban/TTP militants are suspected to be hiding out. Reports indicate that Islamabad has allowed the hosting of Central Intelligence Agency agents, who call in the strikes, in Pakistani Army compounds in the tribal area. A Times report of June 1, 2009, The CIA's Silent War in Pakistan, thus noted:

...Pakistani leaders like Army Chief of Staff General Ashfaq Kayani seem to have concluded that using drones to kill terrorists in FATA is generally a good thing. This is a major change in direction; although former President Pervez Musharraf allowed drones to operate, he placed severe limits on where and when they could strike. After Musharraf resigned... the shackles came off. The US struck a tacit bargain with the new administration in Islamabad: Zardari and Kayani would quietly enable more drone operations while publicly criticizing the US after each strike...

Meanwhile, vocal Pakistani opinion in general remains unconvinced that the campaign serves Pakistan's interests, arguing, moreover, that the drone strikes and the disproportionate ‘collateral damage’ that inflict are helping the militants win more sympathy. As Brigadier (Retired) Mahmood Shah noted in 2009, "Baitullah Mehsud likes to boast that each drone attack brings him three or four suicide bombers."

Lacking credible options, however, the Obama Government remains determined to intensify the drone attacks to target the terror centres in FATA and KP. Consequently, the US defence budget for 2011 seeks an augmentation of funds to enhance drone operations by 75 per cent, citing its success in targeting militants in Afghanistan and Pakistan’s tribal belt. Pushing for the enhanced allocation, Chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen declared, in February 2010, "With this funding, we will increase the unmanned Predator and Reaper orbits from 37 to 65, while enhancing our ability to process, exploit and disseminate information gathered by this game-changing technology." Further, the US Defence Secretary Robert Gates, while briefing journalists on the 2011 budget, stated that new drones would be added to the American military’s arsenal "in a couple of years" and these would be "the most advanced UAVs".

The success of the drone campaign will depend overwhelmingly on the precision of intelligence on which each strike is based. Unfortunately, there are wide black holes in this dimension. Worse, in a tribal culture that regards personal courage as an essential quality in both enemies and allies, the drone strikes fuel contempt and alienation among the population, who accuse the Americans of ‘cowardice’ and an unwillingness to face their adversaries in battle. This plays quite well into the broader Pakistani establishment gameplan, as an ambivalent project to support particular brands of terrorism runs parallel to a limited effort to direct domestic and foreign Forces against others. Specifically, Pakistan has focused on operations against the TTP, and sought to draw US drone fire against this group’s leadership, even as it continues to provide safe haven to, and cover up the tracks of, the leadership of the Taliban – al Qaeda combine.

Technology alone will not resolve this problem. Unless Pakistani perfidy is neutralized, reliable intelligence is enormously augmented, and civilian casualties are minimized, the US will continue to harvest a bitter fruit even from the ‘successes’ of its unmanned campaigns in FATA and KP.

Click for PrintPrint

Madheshis: The Power of the Weak
Anshuman Behera
Research Associate, Institute for Conflict Management

With the principal parties in Nepal – the Unified Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (UCPN-M), Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML) and the Nepali Congress (NC) – still deadlocked after four rounds of Prime Ministerial elections, relatively minor Madhesh-based parties are beginning to wield disproportionate clout in the political manoeuvres in Kathmandu. With none of the major players capable of chalking up the required support on its own, and no two of them willing to sit together to form a Government, the Madheshi parties have become key to pushing the outcome closer to the magical numbers.

However, the demands of the Unified Democratic Madheshi Forum (UDMF), a combination of the four principal Madheshi parties – Madheshi Janadhikar Forum (MJF), Madheshi Janadhikar Forum-Loktantrik (MJF-L), Terai Madhesh Loktantrik Party (TMLP) and Sadbhawana Party (SP) – remain unacceptable to each of the national political formations. The 82-member alliance crucially seeks complete regional autonomy and a single Madheshi provincial state (ek Madhesh ek Pradesh), and an unambiguous ‘right to self-determination’, in addition to specific commitments on the peace process, the drafting of the Constitution, and implementation of past agreements such as the bulk integration of Madheshi people in Security institutions, as the price of its support to any Prime Ministerial candidate.

On August 1, the NC explicitly rejected the UDMF’s "ek Madhesh ek Pradesh" demand and the condition of bulk integration of the Madheshi people into security bodies, and sought further explanation on the proposed ‘right to self-determination’. There is little movement in the UCPN-M and the CPN-UML that would suggest that these demands may be acceptable to either of these.

After the downfall of the monarchy in April 2006, the Madheshi parties consolidated their support in the extended south of the country, substantially curtailing the influence of the Maoists, something that the other political parties initially celebrated, since this was at least partly responsible for denying the Maoists a majority in the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections of April 10, 2008. The Madheshi parties claimed 82 seats in a total of 599 in the CA, with 25 going to the MJF, 28 to the MJF-L, 20 to TMLP, and nine to SP.

While the Madheshi parties appear to have become much more central to any resolution of the protracted crisis in Kathmandu, it is far from the case that they can present any easy solution. Apart from their unbridgeable differences with the national political parties, there is little internal coherence even within the Madheshi groupings. There are, for instance, serious divergences of opinions regarding the question of autonomy. While the Upendra Yadav led MJF demands complete autonomy and freedom of the region to determine its own destiny, armed groups like the Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morcha-Goit (JTMM-G) are raising the stakes to a claim of sovereignty. On July 14, 2007, the ‘commander’ of the JTMM-G, Jaikrishna Goit, had declared that his group sought ‘sovereignty’ for Madhesh, because it was the most exploited and colonised region in Nepal. Goit insisted that historical wrongs could not be addressed unless the Madheshi people were completely free to define their own future, and denounced groups like the MJF as ‘collaborators’ of Kathmandu, claiming that they would be bought off with no more than tokenism.

Significantly, the UDMF remained neutral in the first two rounds of the Prime Ministerial elections held on July 21 and 23, on the grounds that they would participate only if their demands were conceded by one of the candidates. Their ranks were, however, split in the August 2 round of the polls, when 11 members of the MJF, defying a party whip, voted for the Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal aka Prachanda, in a body blow to the group’s solidarity.

Reports suggest that, on August 2, just before the third round of the elections the UDMF had a central committee meeting, which discussed the issue of "ek Madhesh ek Pradesh". The MJF, on its part, was urging the other UDMF constituents to be flexible on this issue, giving the CA the final right to decide on it. A party release stated: "The demand is negotiable and open to discussion. We don’t want to hamper Government formation by forwarding such a complicated issue." Reacting to the MJF statement, MJF-L chief whip, Ram Janam Chaudhary, observed that it was high time to bargain with the parties over their demand for a single Madheshi province: "We are in the process of Constitution drafting rather than only forming a Government, so we should stick to the demand."

Meanwhile, reports indicate that there are at least 30 underground militant groups operating in the 20 Districts of the Madhesh region. These armed groups remain a very real threat to any political accord in the region, and have resisted every effort to secure a permanent peace. Indeed, one of the prominent armed formations, the Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morcha-Rajan (JTMM-R), on July 31, 2010, issued a 72-hour ultimatum to all Madhesh-based party leaders to resign from their posts, and to participate in the Samyukta Madhesh Mukti Aandolan (SMMA, the Unified Madhesh Freedom Movement). The JTMM-R ‘chairman and supreme commander’, Rajan Mukti, warned the Madheshi leaders not to support, assist, or protect any Government that may be formed under the leadership of a Nepali speaking leader. He also warned of ‘physical action’ against anyone who failed to comply with, or who went against, the terms of the ultimatum. ‘Physical action’ would also be taken against the Madhesh-based party leaders who participated in the ‘drama’ of Government formation, which was going on in the Legislature-Parliament, the JTMM-R threatened, further. Similarly, on August 5, another armed group, the Janatantrik Terai Madhesh Mukti Party (JTMMP), threatened action against the 11 MJF members who had defied the MJF’s directives and voted for Maoist Chairman Dahal, in the third round of the Prime Ministerial elections.

The trust deficit in the wider Nepali polity appears to have been replicated in politics of the ‘peripheral’ Madhesh region. While the national parties find themselves increasingly dependent on Madheshi support, the lack of consensus between the Madheshi parties and the proliferation of armed groupings has robbed the Madhesh lobby of any capacity to cash in on the power that has been yielded to them as a result of the political flux in Kathmandu. Barring a complete surprise, there appears to be little in all this that promises any breakthrough in the next round of Prime Ministerial elections scheduled for August 18. The weak, it seems, have found a voice; but don’t appear to be particularly sure about what they want to say.


Weekly Fatalities: Major Conflicts in South Asia
August 9-15, 2010



Security Force Personnel







Jammu and Kashmir




Left-wing Extremism






West Bengal


Total (INDIA)











Provisional data compiled from English language media sources.


Dialogue is the only option, asserts Prime Minister Manmohan Singh: Addressing the nation on the occasion of 64th Independence Day on August 15, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said that he wanted to resolve issues through dialogue, be it with Pakistan, Kashmiri separatists, Northeast groups or Naxalites [Left Wing Extremists]. "India's democracy has the generosity and flexibility to be able to address the concerns of any area or group in the country," he pointed out. The Prime Minister made it clear that India wanted peace and harmony with neighbours but emphasized that progress in dialogue with Islamabad would not go far if Pakistan continued to allow its territory to be used for acts of terrorism against India. On Kashmir, he reiterated, "Kashmir is an integral part of India. Within this framework, we are ready to move forward in any talks which would increase the partnership of the common man in governance and their welfare." Describing Naxalism as a "serious challenge" to internal security, the PM appealed to Naxalites to abjure violence, come for talks with the Government and join hands with it to accelerate social and economic development. Expressing readiness to carry forward talks with insurgents in the Northeast, the Prime Minister said his Government had a special responsibility towards the region. The Hindu; Assam Tribune, August 16, 2010.

Pakistan must stop terrorist attacks from its soil, says External Affairs Minister S.M. Krishna: External Affairs Minister S.M. Krishna said on August 12 that India was willing to hold a sustained dialogue with Pakistan, provided the latter's soil was not used for attacks on India. He said, "If there is goodwill from Pakistan and if there is an assurance that their soil is not going to be directed by terrorist instrumentalities to attack India or to foment anti-India feelings, then India would certainly be willing for a sustained dialogue with Pakistan". The Hindu, August 13, 2010.

Maoists ready for talks if Azad killing is probed, says social activist Swami Agnivesh: Social activist Swami Agnivesh on August 12 said that Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) was ready to resume the peace process initiated by their spokesperson Cherukuri Rajkumar alias Azad if a judicial inquiry was ordered into his killing. Earlier, on August 11, Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram had rejected the demand. The Hindu; Times of India, August 12-13, 2010.

New Zealand anticipates terror attack in India before Commonwealth Games: According to a diplomatic note published on August 11, New Zealand officials in India anticipate a terrorist attack on a "soft target" ahead of the Commonwealth Games in New Delhi. Times of India, August 12, 2010.

Nearly 8,500 armed Naxals in country, Government informs Rajya Sabha: The Government on August said almost 8,500 armed Naxal [Left Wing Extremist] cadres were present in the country and as many as 21 left wing extremist groups were indulging in acts of violence. "As per available inputs, the total strength of armed cadres of Naxalites is around 8,500," Minister of State for Home Affairs Ajay Maken informed the Rajya Sabha (Upper House of Parliament) in a written reply. DNA India, August 12, 2010.

Nodal officers to track Maoist movements and terror threats: Police forces of the four southern States - Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Karnataka - have resolved to track movements of extremists, terrorists and other organised crime offenders on a day-to-day basis. Times of India, August 12, 2010.

Arunachal Pradesh Government asks Centre to fence border with Myanmar: Arunachal Pradesh Government asked the Centre to fence the India-Myanmar border to check the movement of militants from India's Northeast who have set up base in the dense forests of the State. Shilong Times, August 11, 2010.


Maoists' totalitarianism led Madhesh-based parties to deny support, says Minister Laxman Lal Karna: Minister without Portfolio, Laxman Lal Karna, who is also vice-chairman of the Sadbhawana Party (SP), revealed on August 12 that the Madhesh-based political parties didn't extend their support to Unified Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (UCPN-M) in the election for Prime Minister because of it being a "totalitarian" party. He accused the Maoists of engaging in all kinds of dirty games to grab power and warned that the Maoists area trying to impose totalitarianism in the name of democracy in the country. Nepal News, August 13, 2010.


21 civilians and five SFs among 26 persons killed during the week in Balochistan: Unidentified assailants singled out Punjabi passengers travelling on a bus, killing 10 and injuring five others in Ahb-e-Gahm area near Mach town in Bolan District on August 14.

Six Punjabi speaking persons were shot dead by assailants riding motorcycle when they were going home from work in Khilji Colony of Quetta. Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) claimed responsibility for the killings.

Three Security Force (SF) personnel were killed when unidentified assailants opened fire on them at a checkpost near Chaki Shawani area of Saryab in Quetta on August 13. Dawn; Daily Times; The News, August 10-16, 2010.

16 militants and three SFs among 20 persons killed during the week in FATA: At least 13 Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) militants, including a ‘commander’, were killed and six others injured when a US drone struck a compound in Eisori village near Mirali, a town in North Waziristan Agency of Federally Administered Tribal Areas (AFAT) on August 14.

Six persons, including three Security Force (SF) personnel and as many militants, were killed and seven others injured in two separate incidents of violence in Sagi area of Mohmand Agency on August 10. Dawn; Daily Times; The News, August 10-16, 2010.

LeT in five 'most dangerous bad guy' groups, says US special representative for Pakistan and Afghanistan Richard Holbrooke: Five Pakistan-based "most dangerous bad guy groups", including Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT), pose a critical threat in war-torn Afghanistan, said US special representative for Pakistan and Afghanistan Richard Holbrooke on August 13. Times of India, August 14, 2010.

Pakistan Army will not change its India-centric policy, says former ISI chief Hamid Gul: Hamid Gul, former Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) chief credited with helping in creation of Afghan Taliban, on August 12 said his country's Army would not change its India-centric policy, unless the Kashmir issue is resolved. "The kind of terrorism which is going on in Pakistan is due to Kashmir issue," said Hamid Gul who is also believed to have created Kashmiri militants groups claimed in the CNN's "Connect the World" programme.

Earlier, on August 8, backing the Pakistani military line on the Afghanistan issue he claimed that it’s only Taliban and its ‘chief’ Mulla Omar who can guarantee that there would be no threat to the US from this part of the world. Indian Express, August 10-13, 2010.

ISI has relationship with Taliban, says former US Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage: Against the backdrop of the WikiLeaks disclosure about Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) double-game in Afghanistan, former US Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage on August 10 said the Pakistani spy agency has a relationship with the Taliban. Indian Express, August 11, 2010.

Conspiracy to destabilise Karachi: There is a massive conspiracy to destabilise Karachi, the economic hub, by jihadi outfits which only recently decided to regroup and reorganise themselves to launch a series of high-profile killings and bomb blasts. Daily Times, August 14, 2010.

United Nations aid envoy to flood-stricken Pakistan warns of militant threat: Jean-Maurice Ripert, the United Nations aid envoy to flood-stricken Pakistan, warned on August 11 that armed militants could take advantage of the country's worst humanitarian disaster by operating among its displaced victims. "We all hope that militants will not take advantage of the circumstances to score points" by exploiting people driven from their homes by the floods, he added.

Earlier, on August 10, the White House Deputy Press Secretary Bill Burton told that the extremists may take advantage of flood-situation in Pakistan. Dawn; Indian Express, August 11-12, 2010.

Balochistan Chief Minister Nawab Aslam Raisani for mandate to talk with militants: Balochistan Chief Minister Nawab Aslam Raisani said on August 8 that he could bring the resistance forces in Balochistan to the table for talks if the Federal Government and other quarters concerned gave him the mandate to do this. Dawn, August 10, 2010.


Pro-LTTE elements still collecting funds from Diaspora, says former Sri Lanka Peace Secretariat head: Bernard Goonetilleke, the former head of Sri Lanka's now defunct Peace Secretariat, said on August 10 that pro-Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) elements were involved in collecting funds from the Tamil Diaspora even after the war. Colombo Page, August 12, 2010.

Government responds to US report on war crimes issues: Sri Lankan Government has issued a response to a report submitted on August 12 by the United States Department of State to the Congress. The Sri Lankan Government said that it has received the text of the report by Stephen Rapp, Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes Issues of the US State Department to the Congress titled "Report to Congress on measures taken by the Government of Sri Lanka and International Bodies to investigate incidents during the recent conflict in Sri Lanka, and evaluating the effectiveness of such efforts". Colombo Page, August 13, 2010.

War probe panel opens in Colombo: A Government-appointed panel tasked with investigating the final years of Sri Lanka's civil war opened in Colombo on August 11. The eight-member panel will hear testimony on five separate days in the capital Colombo and two days in Vavuniya, near the former war zone. Colombo Page, August 12, 2010.

The South Asia Intelligence Review (SAIR) is a weekly service that brings you regular data, assessments and news briefs on terrorism, insurgencies and sub-conventional warfare, on counter-terrorism responses and policies, as well as on related economic, political, and social issues, in the South Asian region.

SAIR is a project of the Institute for Conflict Management and the South Asia Terrorism Portal.

South Asia Intelligence Review [SAIR]

K. P. S. Gill

Dr. Ajai Sahni

A Project of the
Institute For Conflict Management

To receive FREE advance copies of SAIR by email Subscribe.

Recommend South Asia Intelligence Review (SAIR) to a friend.





Copyright © 2001 SATP. All rights reserved.