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Foreword

Writing at a time when the great euphoria generated during the Vajpayee-Musharraf Summit at Agra had wilted into the disappointment of its eventual outcome, it is necessary to restore a balance in the suddenly destabilized perspectives on various conflicts in India. The uncritical hysteria of expectations and the almost delusional character of 'analyses' that dominated the media reportage and subsequent discourse on the 'peace initiative', had pushed the ground realities of the conflicts, both in Kashmir and in other theatres, into the far background, infinitely distanced from the events in the shadow of the Taj Mahal.

The truth is, even as the Indian Prime Minister and the Pakistan President-cum-CEO-cum-COAS met, border skirmishes were escalating along the LoC and international border in Kashmir, as was terrorist and counter-terrorist operations, and just during the three days on which the two leaders met, a total of 87 persons were killed in J&K. In the first 16 days of July alone - and including the days over which the Musharraf-Vajpayee Talks were held, 256 persons were killed. Even by the extraordinary standards of the preceding month of June, when total casualties rose to 320 (against an average of 274 each month through the year 2000, the bloodiest year in 12 years of terrorism in J&K), this was an unacceptable scenario as a backdrop to 'negotiations for peace'. Clearly, neither leader saw fit to de-escalate violence in order to create an atmosphere conducive to resolution and there appears, in fact, to have been a certain intensification of offensive operations by both sides in order to secure a 'negotiating advantage' at the talks. A realistic assessment of the situation in Kashmir would easily have predicted both such a trend and the eventual outcome of the negotiations.1

The crucial point here is that 'peace processes' and 'agreements' themselves do not make peace. This truth was brought home with brutal force by events in another, relatively distant theatre, when the 'extension of ceasefire' agreement between the Centre and the NSCN-IM in Nagaland, set neighboring Manipur aflame, undermining the tenuous stability that appeared to be emerging in other States of the region.

It is not possible here to enter into an enumeration of the flaws of these various processes, but these reflect, in the main, a failure to understand or come to terms with the real character and magnitude of terrorism, and of those who resort to, or support and sponsor, terrorist movements. The result is a complex and destructive dynamic of fragmented and unimaginative state responses confronting the endless flexibility of constantly mutating terrorist organizations. The papers in this volume look at various aspects of the inadequacy, the arbitrariness and the failure of state responses, and at some of the 'adaptive mechanisms' displayed by terrorist groups. The increasing criminalization and the progressive dilution of the ideological or political basis of anti-state violence, and the inability of the state to define a coherent response to these trends - indeed, the proclivity of state policies to worsen the situation through discriminatory incentives in favor of criminalized terrorist groupings - is one of the major concerns addressed. The actual impact of the initial phases of the 'peace process' in Kashmir is also assessed, as are the challenges and complexities of multi-Force counter-terrorism operations. Finally, the importance of a more rigorous approach that seeks to marry the perspectives of policy makers and field operative to the methodologies evolved in contemporary social sciences, is emphasized in an effort to create an effective and creative symbiosis between two fields, theory and practice, that are integrally linked. Such a cooperative enterprise is necessary now, if counter-terrorism and security policy and strategy are to be constructed on a more consistent and principled basis.

Ajai Sahni

July 15, 2001


  1. See. for instance, K.P.S. Gill, "Time to stand up to, not for, Pakistan," The Pioneer. New Delhi. July 14. 2001; K.P.S. Gill. "Not Another Kargil, Please".




 

 

 

 

 
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