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SOUTH ASIA INTELLIGENCE REVIEW
Weekly Assessments & Briefings
Volume 4, No. 1, July 18, 2005
Data and
assessments from SAIR can be freely published in any form
with credit to the South Asia Intelligence Review of the
South Asia Terrorism Portal
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The Darkness of
'Enlightened Moderation'
Kanchan Lakshman
Research Fellow, Institute for Conflict Management; Assistant
Editor, Faultlines: Writings on Conflict & Resolution
President Pervez Musharraf's policy of proclaimed 'enlightened
moderation' has come under attack, this past week, both
from within and, more ominously, from without. Investigations
into the 7/7 London bombings appear to be driving to the
conclusion that the terrorists were all of Pakistani origin
and also that they had links to the extremist and terrorist
infrastructure in that country. Under visible international
pressure, the General ordered a countrywide crackdown on
July 15, 2005, after he told Pakistan's top police officers
gathered in Rawalpindi that they should act against the
collection of donations, display of arms, and holding of
gatherings by banned groups, and not allow banned militant
organisations to re-surface using any other name. He ordered
the police, further, to "enforce an end to publication and
distribution of hate material, including pamphlets, booklets,
CDs etc., and writers, publishers and distributors of all
such literature must be held accountable in accordance with
the law. You must ensure that such material is not available
in markets latest by December, this year." Pakistan, he
claimed, stands at a cross-roads in its history and there
is an urgent need to address extremism existing on the fringes
of its society.
At the same
time, internal evidence mounted regarding the continued
activities of Islamist extremists, and the gradual consolidation
of many areas, including the North West Frontier Province
(NWFP), as staging posts for the Afghan, Kashmiri and global
jehad. The NWFP, which has continuously served as
a base for the Taliban
after Operation Enduring Freedom, has now emerged as a crucial
staging post for the jehad in Jammu and Kashmir.
New evidence to this effect came to light when the Karachi-based
Herald reported in its latest issue that one of Pakistan's
oldest training camps at Mansehra in the Province is bustling
with activity after a year-long closure, as old and new
cadres converged on it to resume their training. According
to a top manager of the training camp in Mansehra, all the
major organisations, including Hizb-ul-Mujahideen (HM),
Al-Badr
Mujahideen, Harkat-ul-Mujahideen (HuM)
and others, began regrouping in April 2005, renovating training
facilities that were deserted in 2004. The magazine, in
its cover story, says at least 13 major camps in the Mansehra
region were revived during the first week of May 2005. These
are located in the areas of Pano Dheri, Jallo, Sufaida,
Oghi, Khewari, Jabba, Batrasi, Naradoga, Akherilla, Hisari,
Boi, Tanglaee and Achherian. Further, intelligence sources
in Delhi had disclosed (as of January 2005) that apart from
the Shah Ismail Shaheed and Shewatian camps, there were
nine other camps in NWFP: Haripur, Oghi, Bakrial, Garhi
Habibullah, Shinkiari, Batrasi, Jangal Mangal, Bhoi and
Balakot, hosting at least 1620 cadres.
Compounding the situation further is a new legislation that
seeks to 'Talibanize' governance in the province. On July
14, the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA), the ruling six-party
Islamist alliance, passed the North-West Frontier Province
Hisba Act, 2005 in its Assembly by a 68-43 vote. The Hisba
(Accountability) Act, which will come into force only after
the Governor signs it, will establish a new department to
"discourage vice and encourage virtue," and will set up
a new office akin to that of an ombudsman which is to be
headed by a cleric called Mohtasib (one who holds
others accountable) whose main function would be to "protect/watch
the Islamic values and etiquettes at the provincial level."
According to the Hisba Act, the Mohtasib shall, on
a written complaint of any person, or on reference from
the High Court, the Supreme Court or the Provincial Assembly,
or suo moto, have the power to (among others):
-
Enquire
into the allegations of mal-administration against any
Agency or its employees; provided that no Government
servant, during his service, shall be entitled, in relation
to affairs of his employment; to lodge a complaint with
the Mohtasib;
-
Protect/watch
the Islamic values and etiquettes at the provincial
level; · Watch the media established by Government or
working under the administrative control of Government
to ensure that its publications are useful to the propose
of upholding Islamic values;
-
Forbid
persons, Agencies and authorities working under the
administrative control of Government to act against
shariah and to guide them to good governance;
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Formulate
such directives and principles which may help in making
the conduct of authorities working under this section
to be effective and purposeful;
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Extend
help to the provincial administration in discharging
its functions smoothly and effectively; provided that
the Mohtasib shall not interfere in any matter
which is sub-judice before a court of competent jurisdiction
or which relates to external affairs of Pakistan or
the relations or dealings of Pakistan with any foreign
State or Government or relates to or is connected with
the defence of Pakistan or any part thereof, the Military,
Naval and Air Forces of Pakistan or the matters covered
by laws relating to these forces;
While it
is clear that the Act sets out to legitimise the MMA's agenda
of radical Islam, what has astounded the critics is the
extent of powers that may accrue to the Mohtasib, something
that prompted the poet Kishwar Naheed to say, "This is more
than the Taliban." The Mohtasib shall have
the same powers as are vested in a Civil Court under the
Code of Civil Procedure, 1908 (V of 1908), in respect of
the following matters, namely:
- Summoning and enforcing
the attendance of parties and examining him on oath;
- Compelling the production
of documents; and
- Receiving evidence on
affidavits.
But the Act
goes much further. Under 'Special powers', the Mohtasib
shall also have, among others, the following responsibilities:
-
To
monitor adherence of moral values of Islam at public
places;
-
To
discourage Tabdhir or extravagance, particularly
at the time of marriages and other family functions.
-
To
follow the code of Islam in giving dowry;
-
To
discourage beggary;
-
To
monitor adherence to Islamic values and their respect
and regard at the times of Iftar (Breaking the Fast)
and Taravih (special prayers performed during
the month of Ramadan);
-
To
discourage entertainment shows and business transactions
at the times of Eideen and Jumm'ah prayers around mosques
where such prayers are being held;
-
To
remove causes of dereliction in performance and proper
arrangement of Eideen and Jumu'ah prayers;
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To
observe decorum of Islam at the times of Azan and Fard
prayers;
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To
discourage un-Islamic and inhuman customs;
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To
check the tendency of indecent behaviour at public places
including harassment of females;
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To
advise those who are found to be disobedient to their
parents; and
-
To
mediate amongst parties and tribes in matters pertaining
to murders, attempts to murder and similar other crimes
threatening to law and order situation.
A Mohtasib
is to be provided with the "requisite police force" called
Hisba Police for enforcement. The Hisba Act, akin to the
Taliban's moral policing, is also an attempt to form a parallel
judicial system. Ironically, the Hisba force, in acting
as the Inquisition-like 'chief prosecutor', is itself not
accountable to anyone, since "no court or authority shall
be competent to question the legal status of the proceedings
before a Mohtasib." According to the Act, "No court
or authority shall have the power to pass any injunction
or any interim or a stay order with regard to any matter
under consideration of the Mohtasib" and only the
Chief Minister can hear an appeal against his recommendations.
The Mohtasib's office, which would only duplicate
administration, is estimated to cost Pakistan Rupees (PKR)
10 billion annually, while the total provincial development
fund is PKR 40 billion.
The MMA intends, through this institution, to influence
in its favour the local level elections scheduled for August-September
2005. The alliance has moreover, time and again, declared
that it would stop at nothing to bring 'real Islam' to the
Province. Incidentally, after passage of the law, religious
scholars throughout the Province reportedly took oath from
their followers in the Friday congregations to "render every
sacrifice for the enforcement of Islamic system in the province."
Prayer leaders throughout the Province prayed for the success
of MMA and the Hisba institution, reiterating their commitment
to face the opponents of the Hisba Bill at every forum,
including the courts, parliaments as well as among the people.
And at the famed Mohabat Khan Mosque in Peshawar, the NWFP
Minister for Finance, Planning and Development, Sirajul
Haq, declared ominously: "We will not bow in front of any
one on the earth except God Almighty. We will not make any
compromise on Islam and Shariah at any cost… We will
make more such legislations to enforce Islamic system. The
Hisba's opponents want to confine Islam only to mosques
like those of Christianity but it could not be. (The) Quran
directs us to enter into Islam completely. Instead of confining
it in mosques, it would have to control our business, politics
and every aspect of our life."
Arguing that it is a violation of the Constitution of Pakistan,
Islamabad has moved the Supreme Court under Article 186
of the Constitution. Earlier, on August 12-13, 2004, the
Council of Islamic Ideology (CII) had declared the Hisba
Bill to be in violation of the Constitution as it clashed
with Article 175 [3], which concerns the independence of
the judiciary. Further, the CII had observed: "Creation
of the Hisba institution, instead of achieving the objectives
of Shariah, will make the injunctions of the Quran and the
Sunnah controversial and will open the gates of conflict."
The Act, however, may not come into force if Governor Khalil-ur-Rahman
does not sign the law, which he says is a "fascist idea."
While there is at a certain level an Islamabad-MMA discord,
General Musharraf is aware that, 'enlightened moderation'
notwithstanding, it would be difficult to undo laws that
are brought into being in the name of Islam.
Extremist and terrorist actors have, for long, secured physical
space to operate within Pakistan, and it is the ideology
of Islamist extremism - partially reflected in parties such
as the MMA and in political initiatives such as the Hisba
Act, but which also generally pervades the founding ideas
and political culture of Pakistan - that makes this possible.
The West is only now beginning to recognize the pivotal
role of the "evil ideology" that British Prime Minister
Tony Blair now blames for the 7/7 attacks in London. Blair
also recognized the "battle for hearts and minds" that underlay
terrorist acts and our responses to these. Regrettably,
this recognition is still to produce a significant strategy
of response in the global war on terror. On the other hand,
it has been the core of the Islamist extremist approach,
which lays immense emphasis on a future guided essentially
by ideological motivators, and has created an enormous institutional
and political infrastructure for the propagation and promotion
of the ideology of extremist Islam. And it is precisely
this insidious ideology, "a belief, one whose fanaticism
is such it can't be moderated", and its vast apparatus of
support within state and non-state entities in Pakistan,
that draws people like the 22-year old Shahzad Tanweer,
one of the London bombers, and thousands of others, to the
madrassas, the marakiz and the training camps
of Pakistan.
Assam: New Turn
to Citizenship Politics
Wasbir Hussain
Associate Fellow, Institute for Conflict Management, New
Delhi; Consulting Editor, The Sentinel, Guwahati
Assam has suddenly been gripped by both euphoria and fear
after the country's Supreme Court, on July 12, 2005, struck
down as unconstitutional an immigration law that was in
force only in the State. While certain groups are celebrating
the apex court's verdict thinking it would now be easy to
detect and throw out the 'hordes' of illegal Bangladeshi
migrants, others fear the exit of the special piece of legislation
could lead to genuine citizens belonging to the minority
communities (read, Muslims) being victimized or harassed
in the name of detecting Bangladeshi aliens.
The Illegal
Migrants (Determination by Tribunals) (IMDT)
Act, a federal legislation, was introduced in this troubled
Northeastern State on October 15, 1983, at the height of
the 'anti-foreigner' (anti-Bangladeshi migrants) uprising
spearheaded by the All Assam Students' Union (AASU), the
State's frontline student group. With the introduction of
the IMDT Act, Assam became the only State in India where
the Foreigners Act was not applicable.
For the past two decades, the IMDT Act itself turned out
to be fodder for the extremely murky politics of citizenship
in the State of 26 million people. The Act laid down the
provisions under which authorities were supposed to detect
and expel illegal Bangladeshi migrants, whose number, according
to groups like the AASU, runs into 'lakhs and lakhs' [the
Union Ministry of Home Affairs put the number of illegal
Bangladeshi migrants in India at 10 million in 1997]. Given
the demographic profile of particular constituencies, political
parties and individual candidates have won or lost elections,
depending on whether they were supporters or opponents of
the IMDT Act. Muslims (mostly settlers) are said to be a
deciding factor in almost half of Assam's 126 State Assembly
constituencies.
The IMDT Act imposed several conditions for action against
suspected illegal migrants that groups such as AASU and
opposition parties like the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) and
the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) deemed 'migrant friendly'.
Thus, the burden of proof that an individual was an illegal
migrant was placed on the complainant. Further, before the
IMDT Act was amended in 1988, only those who resided within
three kilometers from the place where a suspected illegal
migrant was staying were eligible to lodge a complaint,
and that, too, on payment of a fee! The Foreigners Act found
favour with the anti-migrant groups as it vested the burden
of proof on the accused.
The Congress Party - during whose tenure in New Delhi the
Act was introduced in 1983 - had all along backed the IMDT
Act on the ground that its provisions helped in preventing
genuine citizens from being harassed. The Congress and small
local parties like the United Minorities Front (UMF), cited
instances in the past (before the IMDT Act's introduction)
when apparently bona fide citizens were herded out
of Assam by the police as 'illegal migrants'. What parties
like the Congress liked the most about the IMDT Act was
that it provided a judicial mechanism in the form of tribunals,
headed by retired judges, to determine the nationality of
a suspect. These parties have, however, been accused of
being soft on 'Bangladeshi settlers' because these constitute
a major 'vote bank' for them.
The euphoria generated in the State by the Supreme Court's
decision to strike off the IMDT Act is understandable. Between
1979 and 1985, AASU led perhaps the largest mass uprising
in Independent India precisely on the issue of illegal Bangladeshi
migrants. The agitation was sparked off in 1979 after names
of aliens appeared in large number in the voters' list of
a Lok Sabha constituency, Mangaldoi, where a by-election
was to be held.
The stir ended on August 15, 1985 after then-Prime Minister
Rajiv Gandhi oversaw the signing of an agreement, popularly
called the Assam Accord. It was a tripartite agreement between
AASU and its allies, the Centre and the Assam Government.
The Accord had set March 25, 1971, (the day Bangladesh was
born) as the 'cut-off date' for detection and expulsion
of illegal migrants. That meant that those illegal aliens
who had entered India on or after that date were to be identified
and expelled in accordance with the IMDT Act. However, the
poor end result of this exercise incensed groups like the
AASU, AGP and the BJP, all of whom blamed the 'loopholes'
in the IMDT Act. Over the past two decades, just about 1,500
'illegal Bangladeshis' have been expelled, according to
official records. Even for this number, however, there is
no evidence that Bangladesh has officially accepted their
return.
It was in 1998 that the All India Lawyers' Forum for Civil
Liberties filed a public interest litigation (PIL) in the
Supreme Court seeking a direction to the Centre and the
State Governments in Assam, Meghalaya, West Bengal, Mizoram,
Tripura and Delhi to deport all Bangladeshis living illegally
in India. Then, in 2000, former AASU president, and currently
Lok Sabha (Lower House of Parliament) MP from the AGP, Sarbananda
Sonowal, moved a PIL seeking the quashing of the Act itself.
After a five-year legal battle, the Supreme Court's verdict
came on July 12, 2005. The Court's observations were interpreted
by the AASU, AGP and the BJP as a vindication of their stand.
Some of the major observations in the 114-page Supreme Court
order are:
-
The
IMDT Act was 'ultra vires' of the Constitution
-
By
enacting the Act, the Parliament had divested the Central
Government of the powers to remove Bangladeshi migrants,
whose presence was creating a serious law and order
problem
-
The
IMDT Act was unconstitutional and must be struck down
as it contravenes Article 355 of the Constitution, where
a duty has been cast upon the Union of India to protect
every State against external aggression and internal
disturbance
-
Illegal
migration was an 'aggression on Assam'
-
The
migration has retarded Assam's growth despite the State's
natural resources
-
The
burden of proof in all leading democracies in the world
lies on the accused who has to prove that he or she
is a national of that country
Significantly,
however, the Supreme Court has not struck down the judicial
mechanism while striking down the IMDT Act. The Court's
order said: "All the tribunals and appellate tribunals under
IMDT Act shall cease to function. All cases pending before
(these) tribunals shall stand transferred to Foreigners
(Tribunal) Order and be decided under Foreigners Act." The
ruling Congress in Assam found this a great relief. "The
positive aspect of the Supreme Court verdict is that it
did not leave detection of foreigners to police and directed
constitution of tribunals under the Foreigners Act," Assam
Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi was quoted as saying. He said
the Congress was all along demanding that the foreigners
should be detected through a judicial process and that the
matter should not just be left to the police machinery.
So, it seems clear that the exercise of detecting and throwing
out illegal migrants is not going to see results overnight
even under the new arrangement.
Let's take a look at the political fallout so far after
the IMDT Act's exit:
-
The
Congress has called upon the minorities not to be worried
and has promised to make sure that genuine citizens
would not be harassed
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Chief
Minister Tarun Gogoi and his aides have rushed to New
Delhi lobbying with the party bosses and the Union Government
to come up with a new law to deal with foreigners
-
The
Congress-led Government in New Delhi, at a meeting chaired
by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on July 14, 2005, decided
to form a Group of Ministers to hear different points
of view on the IMDT Act and come up with an appropriate
response
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The
All Assam Minorities Students' Union (AAMSU) had called
a general strike in Assam on July 13, 2005 accusing
the Congress Government in Assam of not responding
properly, thereby losing the court battle on the IMDT
Act
-
The
AASU has said that minorities in Assam who are genuine
citizens need not fear.
A new trend
in the politics of citizenship has only just begun. The
Congress has already spread the word that, as long as the
party stays in power, the minorities have no cause for worry,
and hopes to retain its 'vote banks' despite its failure
to retain the IMDT Act. However, the UMF has accused the
Congress of paying 'lip-service' to minority interests in
Assam and has blamed the party of not defending the IMDT
Act well. If the UMF, in the run-up to the elections, decides
to go all out against the Congress on this issue, the minority
vote may be split down the middle. In that event, the AGP
and the BJP would certainly benefit. If, however, the UMF
and the Congress reach an understanding, the Congress could
once again win the polls. The battle over the exclusive
law is over, but the war seems to have just begun.
Manipur: The Siege
Within
Bibhu Prasad Routray
Research Fellow, Institute for Conflict Management
Beginning June 20, 2005, the All Naga Students Association,
Manipur (ANSAM), imposed an economic blockade in the four
hill districts of Tamenglong, Chandel, Ukhrul and Senapati,
cutting off the remaining five districts of the State from
the rest of the country. The blockade was a reaction to
the Manipur Government's declaration of June 18 as 'State
Integrity Day', which the ANSAM described as a "coercive
and belligerent attitude towards a peaceful assertion of
the Naga peoples democratic will", which it deemed "highly
irresponsible and an attempt on the part of the Government
to distort the facts."
June 18
is of significance to the Valley areas of Manipur, which
erupted into unprecedented violence following the Union
Government's declaration of the extension of the ceasefire
with the National Socialist Council of Nagalim - Isak-Muivah
(NSCN-IM)
on this date in 2001. The decision was seen as a precursor
to giving in to the militant group's long-held demand for
a 'Nagalim' or 'greater Nagaland', which sought the merger
of about two-thirds of Manipur's territory with Nagaland.
People in the valley districts fought pitched battles with
the security forces, and burnt down Government offices and
residences of political leaders. 20 protesters lost their
lives in security forces' firing, and the day has, since,
been a rallying point for the Manipuris confronted with
the NSCN-IM's expansionist onslaughts. For Naga organisations,
which maintain close links with the NSCN-IM, however, the
day and any attempt to glorify it are problematic.
Chief Minister Ibobi Singh's decision could have been prompted
by his eagerness to play to the integrationist gallery in
the State, so far dominated by the Meitei organisations
like the All Manipur United Clubs Organisation (AMUCO),
United Committee Manipur (UCM) and the Apunba Lup (Umbrella
Organisation); in the process, however, he provided ANSAM
with the opportunity to start an agitation on the issue.
ANSAM's reaction assumes greater significance against the
backdrop of the NSCN-IM leadership's exit from New Delhi
after a seven-month stay and extended negotiation in India.
The Union Government had clearly expressed its inability
to integrate Naga inhabited areas in the three States abutting
Nagaland, in view of opposition from the affected States.
This may well have provoked the NSCN-IM to try and exert
influence through mass mobilisation of the Nagas in Manipur.
Little differentiates the NSCN-IM from organisations such
as ANSAM, the Naga Students' Federation (NSF), the Naga
People's Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR) and the Naga
Hoho. Leaders within these organisations often move from
one to the others, and each has, over the years, worked
systematically to further the cause of Naga integration.
The NSCN-IM, on July 12, vowed not to remain a "silent spectator"
if New Delhi allowed Chief Minister Ibobi Singh to continue
using "brute force" against unarmed Nagas in Manipur.
Opposition groups do, of course, exist within the Nagas
of Manipur, including the Zeliangrong and Rongmei Nagas.
But they have limited organisational and financial capabilities
compared to the affluent NSCN-IM and its front outfits.
The only vocal entity opposed to the NSCN-IM's strategy
is its bete noire, the NSCN-Khaplang,
which, on July 13, accused the IM faction of trying to divide
Manipur as well as the Nagas.
Manipur's struggle to keep its territory intact has suffered
serious setbacks over the past three months. The NSCN-IM
leadership in April 2005 arranged for a dinner of the Christian
Members of Parliament (MPs) in a New Delhi hotel. Confabulations
there appeared to have led to the May 27 resolution by 13
Naga MPs and Members of Legislative Assembly (MLAs) of Manipur,
including a former Chief Minister of the State, Rishang
Keishing who currently is a Member of the Upper House of
the Parliament, to the Prime Minister. The letter states,
inter alia, "In case of territorial integration of
the Naga areas, we believe that it is our sincere question
and the basic fundamental right of the Naga people to be
under one political entity and live together. We therefore
fully support the aspiration of the Naga people for integration."
This was, by far, the most unequivocal support from Manipuri
politicians for Naga integration. Worse, the Outer Manipur
Parliamentary constituency MP, Mani Charanemei, during his
meeting with the Prime Minister in the first week of July,
is reported to have accused the State Government of being
'communal'.
The impact of the blockade has been enormous. Hundreds of
trucks are stranded at the entry point at Mao gate in Nagaland
on National Highway number 39, and stocks of essential supplies
depleted rapidly in Manipur. Reports indicate that rice
is selling at INR 50 per kilogram, about 5 times the normal
price; an LPG cylinder, normally priced at INR 300, is selling
at INR 600; kerosene prices have rocked to INR 32 per litre,
as against a normal price of INR 15. The Government has
already rationed the sale of patrol and diesel, and newspapers
have cut down on the number of pages due to shortage of
newsprint. In a statement on July 15, the Government acknowledged
an "acute shortage of essentials, baby food, fuel and medicines
with no supplies coming in from outside the State."
At least six trucks, including oil tankers, trying to defy
the blockade have been set ablaze by protestors. The Home
Ministry is contemplating seeking the Army's help to clear
an alternate route, the militant-infested Highway 53 connecting
Assam's Silchar and Imphal, to restore the supply lines.
Reeling under multiple pressures, Chief Minister Singh faces
a difficult task. Adopting a tough posture against the Nagas
would deepen the fissures between the Valley and the Hills
and make the State more vulnerable for exploitation by the
NSCN-IM. On the other hand, he cannot be seen not to be
acting in the face of the gathering storm. He has attempted
to open lines of communication with the ANSAM, and on July
12, he backtracked on the 'Integration Day' announcement,
stating that it had not been placed on the official list
of general holidays, and no concrete decision had on whether
it would be retained as a general holiday next year. On
July 15, during a discussion on the current impasse in the
Assembly, Chief Minister Singh declared that the decision
was a mistake "if it has hurt anybody". However, ANSAM,
which is now being supported by the Naga Hoho and the NSF,
is yet to relent.
On July 13, ANSAM asked all the Naga MLAs and Ministers
in the Manipur Assembly to resign, declaring that "Naga
identity and dignity cannot be safeguarded under the present
arrangement of Manipur State under any circumstances."
Apart from the Nagas, Manipur has other problems to contend
with, including the demand for a separate Sadar Hills District
in the present Senapati District. Coinciding with the official
end of the ANSAM's blockade on July 9, which still continues
unofficially with the support of the NSF in Nagaland, the
Sadar Hill District Demand Committee activists announced
a three day blockade of NH 39 beginning July 10. Following
the accidental death of an activist, the agitation was extended
for another two days.
In his report to the Union Government, Manipur Governor
S.S. Sidhu reportedly said the crisis could have been avoided
had the State Government acted more responsibly. The Union
Home Ministry has asked the State to diffuse the crisis
and, in turn, the State Government has asked for more para-military
personnel to deal with the situation. The impasse continues
and there is little hope that, even with an end to the present
crisis, normalcy in Manipur will be restored in the foreseeable
future.
|
Weekly Fatalities: Major Conflicts
in South Asia
July
11-17, 2005
  |
Civilian
|
Security
Force Personnel
|
Terrorist
|
Total
|
BANGLADESH
|
0
|
0
|
5
|
5
|
INDIA
|
Jammu
&
Kashmir
|
8
|
3
|
59
|
70
|
Left-wing
Extremism
|
7
|
0
|
3
|
10
|
Manipur
|
6
|
0
|
0
|
6
|
Meghalaya
|
0
|
0
|
1
|
1
|
Total (INDIA)
|
21
|
3
|
63
|
87
|
NEPAL
|
6
|
3
|
21
|
30
|
PAKISTAN
|
5
|
1
|
41
|
47
|
SRI LANKA
|
4
|
1
|
1
|
6
|
Provisional
data compiled from English language media sources.
|
INDIA
Lashkar-e-Toiba
behind Ayodhya attack, says Uttar Pradesh Police: The Uttar
Pradesh Police said on July 15, 2005, that they have identified
two of the six slain terrorists involved in the attack on the
disputed complex at Ayodhya on July 5 as Pakistani nationals
belonging to the Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT).
The State Police Chief, Yashpal Singh, told the media in Lucknow
that the terrorists, identified as Mohammad Yunus and Mehmood,
and their associates had rented houses at Devli village in south
Delhi and at Kishangarh in southwest Delhi and had been living
there for an year. Three other terrorists also stayed with them,
added Singh. Times
of India, July 16, 2005.
Tamil Nadu bans CPI-Maoist: In a notification issued
on July 12, 2005, the Tamil Nadu Government banned the Communist
Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist),
under the Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1908, and reportedly asked
the Union Government to ban the outfit under the amended Unlawful
Activities (Prevention) Act. An official statement said that
the CPI-Maoist was indulging in "unlawful activities, maintaining
links with other banned extremist groups, circulating handbills,
pasting hand-written posters containing seditious slogans, calling
upon the people to pursue the path of violence and had involved
itself in violence and in criminal cases and causing terror
among the people". Further, the outfit was encouraging its members
to use "criminal force and violence against the Government machinery"
through seditious literature wall writings, posters and pamphlets,
it said. It was also inciting the working class to join the
violent struggle to establish a dictatorship of the proletariat,
it added, citing posters appearing in various places in the
Madurai, Tiruvallur and Dharmapuri districts. Indian
Express, July 13, 2005.
Supreme Court repeals IM(DT) Act: On July 12, 2005, the
Supreme Court of India repealed the controversial Illegal Migrants
(Determination by Tribunals) (IMDT)
Act, which has been applied in the State of Assam. In a verdict
delivered by Justice G. P. Mathur on behalf of the three-member
Bench headed by Chief Justice R. C. Lahoti, the Court said "The
IMDT rules and tribunals are declared to be ultra vires
of the Constitution and are struck down." The 114-page ruling
further said, "All the tribunals and appellate tribunals under
IMDT Act shall cease to function. All cases pending before tribunal
shall stand transferred to Foreigners (Tribunal) Order and be
decided under Foreigners' Act." The
Hindu, July 13, 2005.
NEPAL
Maoist chief
Prachanda invites political parties for negotiations:
In a statement issued on July 11, 2005, the chief of Maoist
insurgents, Pushpa Kamal Dahal alias Prachanda,
said his party was ready to collaborate with all political parties
that were against 'authoritarianism' in order to make the movement
powerful and united. Prachanda called upon political parties
to come forward by constituting an official `negotiation team'
in order to create pressure for a democratic way out and said,
"A strong basis of confidence could be prepared by holding dialogue
with such a negotiation team by organizing serious discussions
on the whole gamut of political issues." Kantipur
Online, July 12, 2005.
PAKISTAN
London suicide bombers had visited
Karachi: Three of the
four London suicide bombers had reportedly visited Pakistan and
investigators are probing whether they met with Al
Qaeda-linked terrorist groups. Mohammad Sidique
Khan and Shahzad Tanweer arrived together at Karachi Airport in
November 2004 and returned to Britain in early February 2005.
Hasib Hussain came separately at an undisclosed time in 2004,
also to Karachi, and went back to Britain shortly afterwards.
Daily
Times, July 17, 2005.
President Musharraf orders countrywide drive against terrorism:
Declaring Pakistan's firm commitment to combating extremism and
terrorism, President Pervez Musharraf on July 15, 2005, directed
the law-enforcement agencies to launch a countrywide drive against
collection of donations, display of arms, holding of gatherings
by banned outfits and remove all hate material from markets by
December 2005. Speaking to Pakistan's top police officers in Rawalpindi,
General Musharraf claimed that the Government would not tolerate
extremism and will continue to combat terrorism with unflinching
determination and force. He also reiterated the Government's resolve
not to allow banned militant organisations to re-surface using
any other name. "You must enforce an end to publication and distribution
of hate material, including pamphlets, booklets, CDs etc, and
writers, publishers and distributors of all such literature must
be held accountable in accordance with the law. You must ensure
that such material is not available in markets latest by December,
this year," the President said. Daily
Times, July 16, 2005.
24 terrorists killed in North Waziristan: US-led coalition
forces in Afghanistan killed at least 24 terrorists and destroyed
two vehicles in a missile attack in the Lawara Mandi area of North
Waziristan on July 14, 2005. Pakistani security forces also carried
out search operations in the same area and arrested seven suspects
on July 15. The Director-General of the Inter Services Public
Relations (ISPR), Maj. Gen. Shaukat Sultan, confirmed that terrorists'
bodies were found inside Pakistani territory and were taken into
custody. "We presumed they were trying to escape into the Pakistani
area when they were hit by coalition forces," Sultan told Dawn.
"I cannot say about the origin of the deceased," Sultan said when
asked whether any Pakistani was among the dead. He also disclosed
that coalition troops had informed Pakistani security forces before
their operations on this side of the border. Dawn,
July 15, 2005.
SRI LANKA
Supreme Court orders interim
stay of four key provisions in P-TOMS: On July 15, 2005, the
Supreme Court of Sri Lanka passed a stay order to block four key
provisions of the Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure
(P-TOMS) agreement between the Government and Liberation Tigers
of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).
The judgment said that the location of the Regional Committee's
headquarters in the LTTE-held town of Kilinochchi and the creation
of a special fund under foreign control for the mechanism were
illegal. Earlier, a case was filed by the Janatha Vemukthi Peramuna
and Jathika Hela Urumaya asking the Court to declare the P-TOMS
agreement null and void. The stay order will be valid until a
review by the Supreme Court on September 12, 2005. Colombo
Page, July 15, 2005.
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