South Asia Terrorism Portal

Gilgit Baltistan: Where Islamabad Sees 'Terrorists' 
Ajit Kumar Singh
Research Fellow; Institute for Conflict Management

Political persecution goes unabated in Gilgit-Baltistan. According to reports, Advocate Ehsan Ali, President of the Gilgit Baltistan Supreme Appellate Court Bar Association and ex-Chairman of Awami Action Committee (AAC) re-shared a photograph from a recent Iranian protests on social media on his Facebook page in January (date not specified) 2018. The photograph, showing a woman protester sitting on a platform meant for prayer leaders in a mosque, had become a symbol of defiance of ordinary Iranians against the clerical regime in Iran. Soon after, fundamentalists started opposing the post calling it derogatory. Two FIRs (First Information Report) were filed on January 8, 2018, accusing Ali of “blasphemy” and also so making “fun of principal tenets of Islam”. The lawyer in the meantime (date not specified) removed the post, though there was hardly anything derogatory about the photo and also apologized to the people who found the post offensive and whose sentiments were hurt.

In spite of this, Ali was arrested from his home in Gilgit on February 12, 2018, and an Anti-Terrorism Court (ATC) in Gilgit sent the lawyer on judicial remand till February 26, 2018, under 295-A (Deliberate and malicious acts, intended to outrage religious feelings or any class by insulting its religion or religious beliefs), punishable for a term which may extend to 10 years.

Referring to the charges, Senior Advocate and Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) Gilgit Baltistan President Amjad Hussain told The Nation

Ali and his AAC have been at the forefront of ongoing protests in Gilgit Baltistan opposing the imposition of taxes by the Federal Government. For instance, in December 2017 massive marches of protestors from Skardu to Gilgit, chanting slogans such as Chalo-Chalo Gilgit Chalo (lets go to Gilgit) and Gunda Tax Namanzoor (Taxation by Bullies, Not acceptable) were reported. The protesters were demanding a quashing of taxes imposed by Islamabad in Gilgit Baltistan under the Tax Adaptation Act 2012.

Expectedly, protests broke out inside Gilgit Baltistan and elsewhere in Pakistan subsequent to Advocate Ali's arrest. “We stand united with the political activists of Gilgit Baltistan who have been detained because of their struggles for the rights of locals,” said an unnamed protestor. Another protestor stated, "People fighting for the basic human rights of the people in Gilgit Baltistan were declared traitors and are being harassed. We stand united with the political activists who have been detained."

The mounting pressure forced the judiciary to take a U-turn and Ali was released on bail on February 19, 2018. However, several people from Gilgit Baltistan continue to languish in Pakistani prisons, including political leader Baba Jan, who is serving a life sentence in prison for his alleged role in inciting violence in the region in 2010.

Revealing the bare truth about Government's oppressive mechanism in Gilgit Baltistan, Daily Times in its editorial titled Political Prisoners in Gilgit Baltistan wrote on February 19, 2018:

Amidst the continued harassment of people raising genuine concerns, the Federal Government decided to abolish the Gilgit Baltistan Council on February 15, 2018, “within a month”, according to Prime Minister  Shahid Khaqan Abbasi’s subsequent order. According to the decision, the powers currently exercised by the Gilgit Baltistan Council would be shifted to the Gilgit Baltistan Legislative Assembly. Gilgit Baltistan Council has the mandate to legislate on 55 subjects. The Gilgit Baltistan Council is an independent legislative body headed by the Prime Minister of Pakistan as its Chairman and was established in May 2010 under Article 33 of the Gilgit Baltistan (Empowerment and Self Governance) Order, 2010. The 55 subjects on which Gilgit Baltistan Council is mandated to legislate include the most significant elements of governance, including railways, development of industries, electricity and bulk water storage, tourism, taxes on income other than agricultural income, etc. The Gilgit Baltistan Council which has clearly defined executive and legislative powers, includes: the Prime Minister of Pakistan (who is the Chairman of the Gilgit Baltistan Council); Governor of Gilgit Baltistan (Vice Chairman of the Gilgit Baltistan Council); six members of the Gilgit Baltistan Council nominated by the PM from amongst Federal Ministers/Members of the Parliament; Federal Minister for Kashmir Affairs and Gilgit Baltistan (an ex officio Member and Minister-in-charge of the Gilgit Baltistan Council); Chief Minister of Gilgit Baltistan; six members elected by the Gilgit Baltistan Legislative Assembly in accordance with the system of proportional representation by means of a single transferable vote; Minister of State for Kashmir Affairs and Gilgit-Baltistan (an ex-officio non-voting member of the Gilgit Baltistan Council). The composition of Gilgit Baltistan Council is such that it was supposed to work as a direct link between Islamabad and Gilgit Baltistan Council, placing overwhelming administrative control in the Federal Government. 

Reports indicate that the decision was taken following the recommendations in a Report submitted to the Federal Cabinet on January 3, 2018, seeking its approval to bring political reforms in Gilgit Baltistan. The Report recommended de-facto integration of Gilgit Baltistan with Pakistan but not a de-jure change, since that would affect the country’s principle position on Jammu Kashmir. It advised bringing the Gilgit Baltistan Legislative Assembly on a par with other provincial assemblies, and in the process advocated the disbanding of the Gilgit Baltistan Council. 

The report was prepared by a nine-member constitutional committee headed by Sartaj Aziz — the then adviser to the Prime Minister on foreign affairs — and formed by the ousted Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif on October 29, 2015, to recommend steps to bring 'political and constitutional reforms' in Gilgit Baltistan.

Though the purported objective of the decision to abolish the Gilgit Baltistan Council was to 'empower the elected government' in Gilgit Baltistan, the fact of the matter is that the Gilgit Baltistan Council, which was established with much fan fare, had failed to perform its duty to bring development in the region. The following data on the Member Development Program is an illustration of the reality:

*The Gilgit Baltistan Council Secretariat started the Member Development Program to address the basic development needs of the people in year 2013. The objective of this program was to improve socio-economic development through execution of link roads and small village level schemes, such as drinking water, sanitation etc. Under this program, schemes are sponsored by the Members including the Minister-In-Charge, Gilgit Baltistan Council; the Governor, Gilgit Baltistan, being Vice Chairman; Chief Minister, Gilgit Baltistan; and six Elected Members of the Gilgit Baltistan Council.

Gilgit Baltistan is one of Pakistan's most backward regions, with several indicators of human development actually registering worsening trends. For instance, according to Gilgit Baltistan Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (GB-MICS, 2016-17) report prepared by Planning & Development Department Government of Gilgit-Baltistan in association with United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) and released in September 2017,

Meanwhile, according to partial data compiled by the South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP), Gilgit Baltistan did not account for any terrorism-related fatality through 2017. In 2016, two incidents were reported in which 10 people, including two civilians, four SF personnel, and an equal number of terrorists were killed. Gilgit Baltistan has recorded at least 81 terrorism-related fatalities (51 civilians, 13 SF personnel, and 17 militants) since 2011.

The 'peace' in the troubled region has been enforced since 1948 with the help of draconian laws and brutal military might. These two aspects have been given further prominence since the inception of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) project, which has faced strong opposition from local people. Though Islamabad claims the project would create employment opportunities for some 1.8 million people in Gilgit Baltistan, locals explicitly reject the claim. Amir Hussain, a political analyst from the Lower Hunza part of the region, observes,

Echoing similar concerns, Yoana Barakova, a research analyst with the Amsterdam-based European Foundation for South Asian Studies (EFSAS), opined,

With opposition to CPEC and the administration’s policies and practices in the region, Islamabad had on May 9, 2016, placed nearly 140 persons in Gilgit Baltistan under Schedule-IV of the Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA), 1997, purportedly to maintain ‘durable peace in the region’: “The imposition of the fourth schedule is a must to maintain law and order. The government will resist all political pressure.” Schedule-IV of ATA, 1997 deals with people who are not directly involved in terrorism activities, but whose affiliation with banned outfits or previous criminal record brings them ‘under suspicion’. They are kept under surveillance by the police to prevent the possibility of their involvement in any potential or future terrorist activity.

According to a Pakistan Institute of Peace Studies (PIPS) 2016 Report, the Pakistan Army established the Special Security Division (SSD) in 2016. The report notes:

Gilgit Baltistan has seen no local terrorism, and the occasional terrorist activities of the past have been executed by groups drawn from Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, suspected to be state proxies, and directed against the local people. With the exception of occasional and largely peaceful political demonstrations, there has been little unrest or violence in the region. Yet, the SSD norms have put Gilgit Baltistan at par with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, one of the most terror-afflicted regions  of Pakistan. Islamabad continues to employ oppressive methods of administration in the region, and these have intensified with the strong local opposition to the CPEC projects. As CPEC gains momentum, such opposition is likely to escalate, and Islamabad, in turn, will likely get more brutal in its attempt to crush all voices of protest.

Nijeesh N. 

Research Assistant, Institute for Conflict Management

According to a February 15, 2018, report, the Union Ministry of Home Affairs (UMHA) is likely is to include two Districts from Kerala – Palakkad and Malappuram – in its list of Districts affected by Left Wing Extremism (LWE) in the country. Never in the past, has any District from Kerala been included in such a list. The last such list, released on July 18, 2017, included 106 Districts across 10 States, but made no mention of Kerala.

Explaining the current situation in these two Districts, former Palakkad District Police chief Srinivas A. stated on February 15, 2018,

Earlier, on January 2, 2018, Union Minister of State (MoS) for Home Affairs Hansraj Gangaram Ahir informed the Lok Sabha (the Lower House of Indian Parliament) that “Left Wing Extremists have been trying to establish presence at the Kerala-Karnataka-Tamil Nadu (KKT) tri-junction”. Significantly, Malappuram shares it borders with Wayanad (in Kerala) and The Nilgiris (in Tamil Nadu), both of which fall in the KKT tri-junction. Similarly, Palakkad which is adjacent to Malappuram shares its border with The Nilgiris.

Some of the incidents of sightings of Maoists along and in areas close to the KKT tri-junction on the Kerala side during 2017 include:

November 3: A team of six armed CPI-Maoist cadres in olive green uniforms reached the house of one Moideen at Pozhuthana village in Vythiri taluk (revenue administrative unit) in Wayanad District. Moideen was threatened at gunpoint and asked to provide food to the Maoists. The team left for the nearby Kurichyarmala forest (South Wayanad Forest Division) after spending nearly one hour in the area.

September 5: Five armed CPI-Maoist cadres, including a woman, visited a house at Parappanpara in Koduvally taluk in Kozhikode District. After taking food from the house they threatened the house owner and asked him not to inform the Police about their visit. However, Kerala Police launched a massive combing operation against the Maoists in the forest areas near Parappanpara the next day (September 6, 2017). Though the Police could not locate the Maoists, it was suspected that the team was led by Soman, a native of Wayanad and a former leader of Porattom, a Maoist front organisation.

July 31: CPI-Maoist posters surfaced in Punchakkolli Tribal Colony under the Vazhikadavu Police Station limits in Malappuram District.

May 14: A group of five armed CPI-Maoist cadres, including a woman, was spotted near the Dumdum Estate along the Mundakai Forest in Wayanad District.

April 21-22: Police conducted combing operations in the Varichilmala region of the Mancheeri Tribal Colony in the Nilambur Forest in Malappuram District after receiving reports of a Maoist group camping inside the forest. It was also reported that the group had planted landmines around their camp near the Mancheeri Tribal Colony, in an apparent bid to prevent Police raids. According to reports, a group of armed people had warned the Mancheeri Colony residents of landmines and had asked them not to enter their camp area.

Most recently, on January 18, 2018, a team of four armed CPI-Maoist cadres visited the house of an individual identified as Abraham, at Kodenchery in Kozhikode District and asked the family to cook food for them.

These developments are, however, not particularly worrisome. According to partial data compiled by the South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP), Kerala has not witnessed a single incident of Maoist-linked violence through 2017. The last violent incident from Kerala was reported on November 24, 2016, when two CPI-Maoist leaders were killed in an encounter in Malappuram District. Since 2005, Kerala has recorded 23 violent incidents, of which two resulted in fatalities (three Maoists, data till February 25, 2018).

According to official data disclosed by MoS for Home Affairs Ahir, Kerala has accounted for 23 incidents of Maoist-related violence since 2014: eight in 2014, 10 in 2015, five in 2016, and none in 2017 (data till December 15, 2017). Ahir further disclosed that no violence had been reported in Karnataka and Tamil Nadu since 2014. Though the Minister did not reveal fatalities data, according to latest Government figures made available in January 2018, Kerala has not recorded any Maoist-linked civilian or SF fatality since 2010. The data does not cover Maoist fatalities. 

Indeed, the November 24, 2016, incident which resulted in the death of a CPI-Maoist 'central committee (CC) member’ and ‘secretary’ of the ‘Western Ghats Special Zonal Committee (WGSZC)’, Kuppuswamy Devarajan aka Shanker, and Ajitha aka Kaveri, a woman leader, in an encounter with the Police inside the Nilambur forests in Malappuram District has dealt a major blow to CPI-Maoist attempts to develop a strong leadership in South India. Further, on August 6, 2017, another women Maoist leader belonging to the Bhavani Dalam (squad), Latha aka Meera, was killed by wild elephants in the Nadukaani Forest range in the Nilambur Forests of Malappuram District. Latha, a native of Kottekad in Palakkad District, had been associated with Left Wing Extremism (LWE) since 1996. Bhavani Dalam operates in and around Palakkad (Kerala) and Coimbatore (Tamil Nadu).

Moreover, during 2017, the Security Forces (SFs) arrested three Maoists. On September 21, 2017, Kalidasan aka Kalidas aka Sekhar Raja (44), a Bhavani Dalam (squad) ‘commander’, was arrested from the Moolakombu tribal settlement on the Kerala-Tamil Nadu border at Pudur near Attappady in Palakkad District. Kalidas had reportedly been giving arms training to fresh recruits in these areas.

Nevertheless, the Maoists continued with their effort to spread their activities in the region through 2017. A May 9, 2017, report stated that CPI-Maoist cadres had formed a new 'combat and operational' unit in the KKT tri-junction. The new unit, named as Varahini Dalam was formed in a bid to avenge the death of Shanker and Ajitha in the November 24, 2016, incident. The Police suspect eight CPI-Maoist cadres to be part of the unit headed by C. P. Moideen. The new Dalam is the fourth such unit that CPI-Maoist cadres have raised in Kerala; the others are Kabani Dalam, operating in Wayanad, Kozhikode, Malappuram Districts; the Nadukani Dalam which focuses on Nilambur and Tamil Nadu's Gudalur Districts; and the Bhavani Dalam.

Worryingly, another report dated January 4, 2018, revealed that the CPI-Maoist had succeeded in establishing several ‘Revolutionary People’s Committees (RPCs)’, rudimentary forms of the Maoists’ parallel government set up, in many areas along the Kerala–Karnataka–Tamil Nadu border. These ‘successes’ have been achieved under the leadership of B.G. Krishnamurthy, a senior Maoist leader from Karnataka, who took charge of the Kerala operations in place of Kuppuswamy Devarajan, who was killed in the encounter at Nilambur (November 24, 2016 incident). Intelligence sources further disclosed that the ‘new State [Kerala] coordinator’ B.G. Krishnamurthy had been successful in organizing several meetings in these areas, which were attended by People’s Liberation Guerilla Army (PLGA) cadres and he had also successfully formed ‘RPCs‘ in around six adivasi (tribal) colonies, including Attappadi in Palakkad District.

Further, according to a January 7, 2018, report, the CPI-Maoist national level leadership has directed its cadres to stay in their ‘shelters’ in the Wayanad mountain ranges of Kerala and to spread their activities to other neighbouring states.

Indeed, though the Maoists have so far failed to establish any significant presence in the State and adjoining regions, they seem to be relentless in their effort to extend their base. It is imperative, therefore, for the State and Central Governments to address issues that can ensure continuing success against the rebels. 

An internal security assessment conducted by the State Police, following the November 24, 2016, Nilambur encounter, had identified around 100 Left Wing Extremists (LWEs) operating in Kerala. According to this assessment, though most of these cadres were ready to give up arms, the lack of a proper surrender and rehabilitation policy in the State held them back. An unnamed senior Police officer involved in combating the Maoists in Kerala had thus observed on June 9, 2017

Meanwhile, the Government had acted swiftly in view of this report and the State Police involved in anti-Maoist operations prepared a surrender policy in April 2017. Director General of Police (DGP), Kerala, Loknath Behera, submitted a draft proposal in this regard to the State Home Department in October 2017. According to Police sources, the draft policy included granting jobs, vocational training, stipend, bulk financial assistance, agriculture land for cultivation and housing facilities. The policy also proposed additional financial incentives to be offered in case Maoists surrendered their weapons. The policy clearly mentioned, however, that no relaxation was likely where serious cases were pending against individual Maoists. According to the SATP database, no surrender has been reported in Kerala since 2006.

Further, in the wake of reports that Maoists were preparing to avenge the killing of Kuppuswamy Devarajan and Ajitha, the Kerala Police decided, in August 2017, to induct 50 women into its first ‘woman commando unit’ to fight Maoist activities in Kerala. ‘Thunder Bolt’, the commando wing of the India Reserve Battalion, an elite anti-Maoist wing, already exists in the State Police. The State Government also decided to establish a commando training school which will be modelled on the lines of anti-insurgency training schools of the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and the Greyhounds [the elite anti-Maoist commandos in Andhra Pradesh and Telangana]. The School will be stationed in the 350-acre campus of the Kerala Police Academy (KEPA) in Thrissur District. DGP Loknath Behera stated, "We are planning to set up the school at a higher altitude location inside KEPA so that even the daily commuting itself will be a sort of training. Across the world, the commando training schools are designed thoughtfully, which we are also planning to implement."

The State Government has taken some important measures to deal with the incipient Maoist problem. Significantly, the first volume of the WGSZC’s new English-language journal, ‘Communist’, published in May 2017, labelled the Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan as the biggest threat and prime enemy of the Maoists fighting in the KKT tri-junction. Dealing with the problem at this emerging stage is an urgent imperative for the state and its agencies.